THE PENNSYLVANIA INVASION.

 

11.

 

GETTYSBURG.

 

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After the Confederates under Lee had forced the Union army to assume position on the north side of the Rappahan­nock, their best plan apparently was to assume a tactical of­fensive. A purely defensive attitude cannot be maintained indefinitely with any prospect of ultimate success; and while the actual invasion of Pennsylvania was probably ill-advised, a campaign that would force the Union army to withdraw be­hind the Potomac was justified by the soundest military judg­ment.

Hence, Lee commenced to dispose his troops in accord­ance with his plans. The route north lay either up the Shenan­doah Valley or east of the Blue Ridge. He had reorganized his army into three corps, commanded respectively by I,ong­street, Hill and Ewell; and on the 3ist of May these corps con­tained 88,754 men, of whom 68,352 were ready for duty.[1]

To oppose him Hooker had but some 80,000 men; the diminution being largely caused by the mustering out of sol­diers enlisted for short terms.

During the Gettysburg campaign the Union forces were organized in seven corps, and as there was not very much dif­ference in the total numerical strength of the contending

 

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armies, it should be borne in mind that a Confederate corps had slightly over double the strength of a Union corps; a Con­federate division slightly over double the strength of a Union division, etc.

Lee sent Ewell's corps up the Shenandoah Valley while Longstreet's corps moved up east of the Blue Ridge, Hill's division being retained, at first, near Fredericksburg. Ewell ousted the Union troops under General Milroy from Winches­ter, June 15th; crossed the Potomac June 19th, two of his divisions reaching Chambersburg on the 23rd. Longstreet, who had fallen back behind the, Shenandoah, crossed the Poto­mac at Williamsport on June 24th, and Hill crossed at Shep­herdstown on the same date. The invasion was a reality.

Hooker appears to have been satisfied at the beginning of the campaign to move parallel with the line of Lee's advance, with the idea of striking at his communications with Richmond when a favorable opportunity should present itself. His vari­ous corps he therefore ordered to converge upon Frederick.

In Pennsylvania the situation created a condition bordering upon panic. Carlisle was occupied[2] and Harrisburg menaced.[3] The Governor called for militia and preparations were made to resist an attack on the State capital.

The Bucktails lying at Washington, with the other regi­ments of their division, heard with mingled astonishment and indignation, the reports that left no doubt that it was the inten­tion of the enemy to invade their native State. They impor­tuned their officers to lead them to defend their homes. and one of the regiments[4] presented a formal petition to that effect to their Brigade Commander. If the men were anxious to be led,

 

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Corps Commanders were anxious to make use of their services; General Reynolds, commanding the First corps, and General Meade, commanding the Fifth corps, having both made efforts to obtain the division. Ultimately orders were issued, directing the First and Third brigades[5] to report to General Meade. Leaving camp on the afternoon of June 25th, they marched towards Leesburg,[6] and on the 27th crossed the Potomac, join­ing the Fifth corps at Frederick on the 28th; but, before they reached that city they received information that General Meade had succeeded General Hooker in command, and that General George Sykes had succeeded General Meade in command of the Fifth corps. The division organization was as follows

Third Division, Fifth Army Corps.

Brig.-Gen. Samuel W. Crawford.

First Brigade.           Third Brigade.

Col. William McCandless      Colonel Joseph W. Fisher.

1st Penna. Reserves      5th Penna. Reserves

2nd Penna. Reserves      9th Penna. Reserves

6th Penna. Reserves      l0th Penna. Reserves

13th Penna. Reserves    11th Penna. Reserves

(Bucktails)                     12th Penna. Reserves

Artillery.

1st New York Light Battery C.

1st Ohio Light Battery L.

5th United States, Battery D.

5th United States, Battery I.[7]

At this time the regiment assumed, for the first time, the Blue Maltese Cross, the badge of the Third division of the Fifth

 

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corps of the Army of the Potomac, nor did it relinquish it until, its term of service expired, it was mustered out.[8]

General Meade, on assuming command of the army, lost no time in attempting reorganization, but put the army in motion. The Bucktails marched on the 29th some distance beyond Frederick; crossed the Monocacy; and on the 3oth ad­vanced to Uniontown. On July 1st the march was resumed to the Pennsylvania line, where a halt was made. At dark ammu­nition was distributed and the regiment ordered to move at the double quick. Stopping at Cherry Hill, early on the morning of the 2nd, they were ordered to Gettysburg, reaching the rear of the battle-field about noon.[9] While on this march Captain Welch, of Company K, was so severely troubled with the wound that he had received while Lieutenant at Antietam, that he was forced to leave the regiment, being shortly after transferred to the Veteran Reserve Corps. Exeedingly popu­lar with the men in his company, they saw him depart with regret. Lieutenant Bard then became the ranking officer of the company, and continued so until it was mustered out.

The battle of Gettysburg commenced on July 1st; and as the division of Pennsylvania Reserves was ordered into action at a critical moment on the second day, it is necessary to survey

 

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roughly the condition of the field at the time they moved for­ward.

In the majority of great battles the bulk of the troops on each side are concentrated both for the attack and the defense before the action commences; but Gettysburg may be described as a battle which commenced at the moment that the van-guard of the Union forces came into contact with two of the enemy's brigades.[10]

Neither can the ground be said to have been selected, in the true sense of the word, by either side. Meade knew that the Confederates were converging on Gettysburg and therefore he sent Reynolds forward. Lee had ordered his columns to advance towards that point. The temper of both forces pre­cluded retreat, hence-collision was inevitable. The moment that the two advances met fighting commenced. General Reynolds, strong in the confidence placed in him by his com­mander, did not hesitate; with wonderful intuition he recog­nized the line that should be held by the Union army against the invaders and gave instructions for the placing of General Howard's corps on Cemetery Ridge. Thus to a former com­mander of the brigade to which the Bucktails were attached is due the seizure of the position which made possible the repulse of the Confederates.[11] With the first day's fight this narrative has nothing to do. It was fought to the northwest and west of the town; the troops as they arrived being hastily thrown

 

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into action. By the ensuing morning the major portion of both armies had reached the field and been assigned to their posi­tions.[12] The woods to the west and northwest of the town had been seized by the Confederates, who had also occupied the town itself; but the Union army placed along Cemetery Ridge stood at bay across the path of the enemy.

This ridge of hills or heights runs southward from Gettys­burg, terminating in two hills called respectively Little Round Top and Round Top: a valley intervening between the southern side of Cemetery Ridge and northern side of Little Round Top, and another between the southern side of Little Round Top and northern side of Round Top. The northern end of the ridge is close to the town of Gettysburg, but bends back, in the form of a horseshoe, terminating in a hill known as Culp's Hill. A mile to the west is a ridge, known as Seminary Ridge, running generally parallel to Cemetery Ridge and the Round Tops, and along this ridge the Confederate army was posted, a portion of their force, however, being so disposed as to cover that portion of Cemetery Ridge which curves back and termi­nates in Culp's Hill. Hence it will be seen that the opposing armies, for the most part, faced each other on parallel ridges,

 

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the Confederate line being extended sufficiently to cover the flank of the Union right and also to threaten the left. In fact, it was a flanking movement on the left that gave to the two brigades of Pennsylvania Reserves the opportunity to render such important service to their country.

In forming the Union line of battle, Sickles' corps, the Third, had been instructed to take position on the left of Han­cock, and on the same general line, which would draw it along the prolongation of Cemetery Ridge towards Round Top. At this point, however, the ridge is not very defined. The Em­metsburg road runs down the valley between Cemetery and Seminary Ridges, being elevated on an intermediate crest. Sickles, keeping his right in touch with Hancock's, threw his line along this crest, while to prevent leaving his left in the air, he refused it; throwing it back through low ground towards Round Top, thus exposing to the enemy a salient which if car­ried would place the entire army in jeopardy. To make matters worse neither Round Top nor Little Round Top had been oc­cupied, their importance not having been recognized at that time.

Looking west, from the summit of Little Round Top, is the precipitous side of the hill itself, rocky and wooded. At the base the ground resembles a marsh, through which, from north to south, runs Plum Run. A little way beyond Plum Run the ground slopes up to a wheat field, the front of which is partially protected by a stone wall; beyond this wheat field is a wooded ridge, and beyond this ridge is a peach orchard. On each side of the wheat field are woods, the woods on the left reaching nearly to the base of Round Top, and in the gap thus formed, between the woods and Round Top, is a rocky formation known as "Devil's Den."

The Confederate right was held by Hood, who was in-

 

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structed to assail Sickles' left. Establishing his flank in Devil's Den, Hood at about 4 o'clock pressed forward, his left extend­ing to the Peach Orchard. The fighting was terrific, but Sickles' position was untenable and he was driven back. By this time, however, the First division of the Fifth corps, under General Barnes, had reached the field and was advancing to reinforce Sickles. General Warren, who happened to be at that moment upon Little Round Top, immediately realized the importance of securing the possession of the hill, and upon his own authority detached Vincent's brigade to hold it. By in­credible exertion Hazlett's battery was also drawn to the sum­mit. The Confederates[13] had by this time, however, broken through the flank and were running up the front slope eager to seize the advantage point, and a savage combat ensued. Though failing to secure the height, Hood hung on to a position in the Devil's Den. The Confederates then attacked the peach or­chard desperately, and the Union line, faultily placed, gave way near the apex of the salient. In an attempt to stem the Confed­erate tide, Barnes' division was sent to the assistance of the dis­rupted Fifth corps. Following that Caldwell's division of Han­cock's corps moved forward only to suffer heavy loss. Then Ayres' division of two brigades of United States regulars went in, meeting with momentary success till completely flanked they lost 50 per cent., killed and wounded, as they fought their way back. At this moment General Crawford was ordered to charge with his division of Pennsylvania Reserves. The divi­sion consisted of but two brigades, the First and the Third; and of these two the Third had been ordered to the left of Barnes' division,[14] though the Eleventh regiment united itself to and

 

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fought with, the First brigade. The men had marched the greater portion of the night and had been forced to resume the march during the morning. Passing up the road, frequently referred to as the "Wheat-field road," they moved to the front. The column was formed with the first line composed of the Sixth, First and Eleventh, and the second line of the Bucktails and Second, the second line being massed on the first.

The moment was a critical one. The enemy swarmed in front of the Union line, between the wheat field and Little Round Top. Confused masses of troops came tearing up the rocky incline seeking safety, and the men at the battery on the crest made preparations to spike their guns. If the rebels should effect lodgment on Little Round Top, the Union position was lost. And rebel uniforms were everywhere mounting the heights.[15] A change in the line to repel a threatened attack on the left, caused the brigade to straighten out into a line of five regiments,[16] and threw the Bucktails to the extreme left, so that their path lay through the battery, whose men, encouraged both by their presence and promises of assistance, stuck to their guns.

Seizing the flag of the First regiment, whose color bearer had been shot down, General Crawford rushed to the front, shouting, "Forward Reserves !" Two volleys, well directed, were poured into the enemy, before, with a cheer, the line charged forward at a run. In the front line of the Bucktails, Colonel Taylor, on foot,[17] urged his men forward, while Lieuten-

 

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ant-Colonel Niles and Adjutant Hartshorne seemed to be every­where. Backward, down the slope, the men pushed their oppo­nents. At the foot of the hill Lieutenant-Colonel Niles fell wounded in the hip, but the line kept advancing. Over Plum Run and its marshy borders they forced the Confederates. Then up the slope towards the wheat field. At the stone wall, the enemy made a short stand, but the impetuosity of the Bucktails was not to be denied, and in a few moments the Con­federates were flying through the wheat field towards the woods at its farther side.

A few of the men leaped the wall in pursuit, but Colonel Taylor, waving his sword, kept in front of all till he disap­peared in the woods in front and to the left.[18]

The stone wall marked the limit of their intended advance, and, taking advantage of the protection it afforded, the men prepared to hold the ground they had wrested from the enemy. Numerous prisoners had been captured, but they had been sent to the rear. The wall, which runs along the front of the wheat field, crosses the road which runs west from Little Round Top,[19] and though the other regiments of the Reserves were on the right of the road, the Bucktails were upon its left.

The advance had been made with such rapidity that before reaching the wall many men had become separated from their own companies and now fought in whatever command they found themselves.[20] Captain Kinsey, of Company C, upon

 

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reaching the stone wall, had ordered his men to take advantage of its cover. Then he devoted his attention to keeping in check the fire upon his left, proceeding from Devil's Den.[21] The strength and rapidity of his fire was such that but few of the enemy advanced into the open. Lieutenant Kratzer, who was everywhere on the field, shortly after approached Kinsey, and told him that Colonel Taylor had sent him to see where he was and what he was doing.[22] Kinsey replied that what he was doing was obvious; that he thought he could prevent the enemy advancing; but, that without assistance he could no nothing more, though if Kratzer could obtain the Colonel's permission to bring up his Company K, to his assistance, he thought he could rout the Confederates out of the rocks. As Lieutenant Kratzer left, a shell from the rear passed over the heads of Company C. One of the men said, "Captain, that means us." The Captain replied, "No, that is one of our own shells, and is "meant for those fellows in the rocks." A moment later an­other shell came, taking off the arm of a Company B boy. The boy sprang up, crying, "I won't die, I won't die." Then for a moment, he ran in a circle, the blood spurting from the stump, before he dropped dead. The same shell also killed a man from Company I, hit the wall throwing part of it up in the air, and wounded seven or eight men. Captain Kinsey's right arm

 

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and left wrist were cut, and the fingers of his left hand torn and lacerated, forcing him a few moments later to retire to the hospital in the rear.[23]

When Company K reached the wall, it was augmented by perhaps a dozen stragglers from various companies, among whom was Captain Mack, of Company E. Hardly had cover been taken when the vigorous fire from the enemy, posted both in Devil's Den and the woods, upon their left flank, attracted the attention of the officers. Captain Mack, noticing Corporal Brookins, of Company G, near him, ordered him to look into the woods to see what was there: It was a dangerous proceed­ing, but Mack, Brookins and Private Davis, of Company G, started forward. Moving both beyond the left end of the wa11, and a short distance to the front of it, they ran into a line of the enemy of such strength as to make them seek instant cover, Mack and Brookins behind a tree, Davis behind a rock. At this moment Lieutenant Kratzer, accompanied by Private Hall, of Company K, came up. With but two or three guns amongst them, to attack would have been madness. The little party, sheltering themselves as best they could, were debating what to do, when Colonel Taylor, with Lieutenant Ward, came tear­ing forward.[24] "Why don't you fire?" he asked, eager as ever

 

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to lead an assault. Upon being informed that the party was too weak to warrant an attack, he said he would order up more men immediately. His men, fearful for his safety, called to him to take cover. But the warning came too late, for as he spoke a rebel took aim at him. Brookins threw his gun to his shoulder, but the weapon missed fire. Without a word, the Colonel dropped into Kratzer's arms, a bullet hole in his breast. To save his body from the rebels, the men carried it back to­wards the wall, Lieutenant Ludlow, of Company E, who had come up, helping.[25] Davis remained behind his rock and Captain Mack covered the retreating party with savage shots at the enemy. The men with the body had not proceeded far before the man who had shot the Colonel dropped Davis, who called to them to come back for him. First, however, they must finish their present task. At the wall members of Company H relieved the little party of the body and carried it back to the Field Hospital. Remembering Davis, lying wounded behind the rock, Captain Mack, Brookins and the rest determined to make an effort to bring ham within the lines. Whether it was a tribute to their daring, or not, the men were not fired upon while on this errand of mercy, but the man they rescued died the next day.

 

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With Colonel Taylor dead and Lieutenant-Colonel Niles wounded, Major Hartshorne was called upon once again to command the regiment. The orders were not to advance be­yond the stone wall,[26] but the firing on the left was so annoying that he was tempted to order an attempt made to capture the Den. It was, however, rapidly growing dark, and the com­panies were ordered to shelter themselves behind the wall as best they might, and obtain what rest was possible before morn­ing should bring with it a renewal of the conflict.

Early the next day Major Hartshorne, alive to the fact that the rebels posted in Devil's Den were in position to throw an enfilading fire into his men, ordered a small body forward to reconnoiter. "Are you going to let those fellows pick us off

"Some of you get in there," was his comment. Those who caught the glitter of his eye did not hesitate but moved forward. After the skirmishers had advanced Hartshorne ordered Cap­tains Frank Bell and John Wolfe to take their companies to their support, their instructions being to attack and develop the strength of the enemy.

The vicinity of Devil's Den was admirably suited to the tactics employed by the Bucktails, as cover both of rocks and trees abounded. Possessing Sharps rifles, they were able to reload, when necessary, without exposing any portions of their bodies, an advantage not possessed by their opponents. Utiliz­ing this advantage to the utmost, they poured in a hot fire. The fire in return immediately became severe, and as they crept nearer, of an intensity that plainly showed that the enemy was far too strong numerically to be routed by the small force sent against them. The Bucktails, therefore, stayed behind cover, devoting themselves to picking off their antagonists whenever chances offered. At this game they entirely outclassed the

 

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Confederates, who, quickly realizing that their numbers were being steadily depleted without their opponents suffering a compensating loss, left their protection and charged. To stand against such numbers would have been farcical, so the two com­panies beat a hasty retreat and succeeded in rejoining the other companies of the regiment behind the stone wall. In this re­treat Captain Bell was so severely wounded in the leg that the injured limb was afterwards amputated.

About noon, Lieutenant Kratzer, with Company K, made another attempt to clear the Den of the Confederates. Deploy­ing his men as skirmishers, he charged forward at a run. When but a few feet separated them from their antagonists, the Confederates springing from their cover, greeted them with a murderous fire, while an officer called on Kratzer to surren­der. The answer was a revolver shot. The Confederate re­turned the shot, and Kratzer, firing again, though wounded in the elbow, killed him. Both parties now took cover; but shortly after as the Confederates were preparing to make a general assault on the Union position, Major Hartshorne recalled the company.

With the attack on the Union left that had been finally repulsed on the afternoon of the 2nd, by the charge of the Pennsylvania Reserves, the Confederate attack upon that end of the line ceased. An attack was then inaugurated against the Union right both during the afternoon of the 2nd and the morning of the 3rd; but by i i o'clock on the latter day the effort was proven to be futile. Lee then decided to assault the center. Preparatory to launching his columns, he shelled the position he intended to assail. From r o'clock to 3 o'clock his one hundred and fifteen guns engaged in a contest with the eighty guns that opposed them. General Hunt, who had charge of the Union artillery, realizing that a charge was to follow,

 

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then ordered his guns to cease firing, gradually, in order to make the enemy believe that he had succeeded in silencing them. As soon as the artillery became quiet Lee ordered the charge. Pickett's division, supported on the left by Pettigrew's brigade, numbering probably 15,000 men, moved forward as regularly as though on dress parade, to attack the left centre. As the column reached the plain the Union artillery re-opened, but any gaps made were instantly refilled. Two hundred yards away from the Union line, Pettigrew's brigade,[27] upon being heavily assailed, broke, leaving 2,000 prisoners and 15 flags with Hay's division. Still Pickett's division advanced steadily and with such power that it penetrated the Union line, General Armistead, his hand upon a Union gun inside his opponent's lines, cheering on his men. The victory was short lived. Gen­eral Hancock threw into the gap reinforcements and shortly after the remnant of the attacking columns retreated across the plain. It is believed that Pickett's division lost 75 per cent. in killed, wounded and captured.

This repulse is generally looked upon as closing the three days' battle; but, at about 5 o'clock the First brigade of the division of Pennsylvania Reserves was put in motion. General Meade, who was standing upon Little Round Top, was an­noyed, not only by sharpshooters, but by a battery posted be­yond the wheat-field.[28] Hence General Sykes ordered General Crawford to advance and clear out the woods. The First brigade, with which the Eleventh regiment was still acting, was accordingly formed by Colonel McCandless, the Sixth regi­ment advancing through the woods on the left to drive out the enemy's skirmishers. Then right through the open field the

 

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regiments charged. The rebel battery opened fire, but as the brigade approached, turned and fled. Wheeling his men, so as to face to the left, McCandless then ordered his regiments to advance once more. Again the line swept forward, and though attacking a much superior force, drove the enemy be­fore them. One brigade of the Confederates, General George T. Anderson's Georgians, had taken position behind a stone wall, made stronger by rails and logs. The brigade dashed around their flank, taking over Zoo prisoners, while Sergeant James B. Thompson, of Company G, of the Bucktails, captured the flag of the Fifteenth Georgia.

The enemy retreated a mile, and thus the brigade, probably firing the last shots of the battle, had re-won all the ground lost on the left by other troops on the previous day. Their position flanked Devil's Den so completely that it was aban­doned by the enemy, and during the evening some of the men entered it,and examined it with curiosity. In the charge the brigade captured one 12-pounder Napoleon gun, three caissons, seven thousand stand of arms and over two hundred prisoners.[29] The brigade occupied the position won till noon of the 4th, when, relieved by fresh troops, it moved back to the stone wall.

 

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Excepting for this movement resulting in the evacuation of Devil's Den, the defeat of Pickett's charge marked the close of the battle. Lee, with his shattered forces, prepared to re­treat towards Virginia, commencing the retrograde movement on the 4th.

The official report of the Bucktail loss was as follows

Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total.

Officers                                         2                    8                                      10

Men                                                     5                   31                         2             38

Total                                                     7                   39                         2             48[30]

The officers killed were Colonel Charles Frederick Taylor, and Second-Lieutenant Robert Hall, of Company D ; and the officers wounded, Lieutenant-Colonel Alanson E. Niles; Cap­tains Neri B. Kinsey, Company C ; Hugh McDonald, Company G ; John D. Yerkes, Company H ; and Frank J. Bell, Company I ; and Lieutenants Joel R. Sparr, Company B ; Thomas J. Roney, Company H; and John E. Kratzer, Company K.

Probably no officer of the Bucktails was ever better or more generally loved than Colonel Taylor. Cultured and re­fined he wars a favorite of the army officers who held higher rank than he; sympathetic and just, he was regarded with the greatest of affection by those under him. He was the youngest man in the Army of the Potomac holding a colonel's commis­sion,[31] being but slightly over twenty-three on the day that he met his death.[32] General Crawford in reporting his death refers to him as the "gallant and brave leader of the Bucktail regi-

 

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"ment," adding, "No braver soldier and patriot has given his "life to the cause."[33]

His body was taken to the family home, and interred in Longwood cemetery, a monument principally subscribed for by officers and men of the regiment, being erected over the grave. A marker was placed on the battle-field, to indicate the place he fell by the Charles Frederick Taylor Post, G. A. R.; but as recent investigations have proven that this marker was not placed exactly over the spot where he fell, arrangements were made by the Regimental Association of Bucktail or First Rifle Regiment of the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps, and assented to by the Taylor Post, to place a new marker in the correct posi­tion.[34]

To Sergeant James B. Thompson, Company G, was awarded a medal of honor for his gallantry in capturing the flag of the Fifteenth Georgia.[35]

 

[1] "'The Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac," by William Swin­ton, p. 310.

[2] By Ewell on the 27th

[3] Jenkins was only 13 miles away on the 27th.

 

[4] 'The 2nd.

 

[5] The 2nd brigade was retained near Washington.

[6] 'June 25 to Vienna; June 26 to near Edward's Ferry.

 

[7] O. R. I. XXVII. i., p. 162.

[8] 1st division, Red Maltese cross on white ground; 2nd division, White Maltese cross on blue ground; 3rd division, Blue Maltese cross on white ground.

 

[9] Continuous marching saps the vitality of troops,. possibly even more rapidly than fighting. The country through which the regiment was marching renders exact computations of distance exceedingly diffi­cult. Air line distances are obviously ridiculous; nor are railroad routes much more accurate. Estimates taken from diaries show that the regi­ment covered 30 miles on June 26; 15 miles June 28; 2o miles June 29, 18 miles June 20; and 15 miles July i. The bulk of the 27th of June was occupied crossing the Potomac.

 

[10] 'Archer's and Davis's, at 9 A.M.  July 1st.

[11] Captain Rosengarten, a member of General Reynolds' staff, is quoted by General Doubleday ("Chancellorsville and Gettysburg," P. 127) as authority for the statement that General Reynolds did actually order that Howard's corps should be formed on the ridge. To the writer, Captain Rosengarten has stated that General Doubleday has not misquoted him.

 

[12] The positions of the contending troops on the first day render the battlefield very confusing to the casual visitor. The positions of the troops on the second and third days, however, were to a large extent, unchanged, and eliminating the first day's fight, can be readily grasped It was at one time the fashion to belittle the first day's contest; but, it is doubtful whether any more severe fighting took place during the three days, than that in the woods, near where Reynolds fell. Nor should it ever be forgotten that it was this hard fighting that made possible the posting of the Union forces upon Cemetery Ridge, and that the pos­session of this ridge was secured by the foresight of General Reynolds, who had been both brigade and division commander of the Pennsylvania Reserve corps.

 

[13] Hood's Texans.

[14] 'Towards Round Top. The 5th and 12th belonging to the 3rd bri­gade, together with the 2oth Maine, ascended Round Top during the night and secured its possession to the Union army.

 

[15] "The plain . . . was covered with fugitives from all divisions . . . "Fragments of regiments came back in disorder, and without their arms, "and for a moment all seemed lost" (Crawford's report, O. R I. XXVII, i., p. 653.)

[16] McCandless' report, O. R. I. XXVII. i., p. 657.

[17] Colonel Taylor declined to use his horse, and had left it in charge of Ross Hardy of his old company.

[18] ' A published letter written by Richard Beeby, of Company H, a participant in this charge, states that though the writer. had a certain reputation as a sprinter, he was unable to keep up with his Colonel.

 

[19] The road before referred to as the "Wheat-field road."

[20] 'This confusion has resulted in men from various companies claim­ing for their own companies achievements performed by others, with which they happened to be fighting.

 

[21] In "Pennsylvania at Gettysburg" it is stated that Major Harts­horne ordered Lieutenant Kratzer to order in Company C, after the death of Colonel Taylor, and that in accordance with these instructions Captain Kinsey deployed his men. Captain Kinsey, however, over his signature, states that the account is erroneous: that he was not ordered in; that he did not deploy his company; and that what he did, he did upon his own initiative. His account, which bears every possible evi­dence of accuracy has been followed.

[22] 'This statement of Captain Kinsey's is of exceeding value as evi­dence in fixing with certainty the time of Colonel Taylor's death.

 

[23] 'The fact that the report shows that one shell wounded an officer of Company C, and men from Companies I and B, brings into relief the extent of the disorder resulting from the charge. An article in the "National Tribune" later established the fact that these two shells were fired by a Confederate gun from an exposed knoll. This gun was then silenced by a Union battery.

 

[24] Whether Colonel Taylor after clearing the stone wall at the head of the charge and entering the woods, had returned to its protection, and later moved towards the Devil's Den to ascertain what could be done to stop the flanking fire from that direction; or whether he reached the position occupied by the little party by moving towards it directly through the woods after the cessation of the forward movement by his ngen, can probably never be decided with any certainty.

[25] 'Apparently, Kratzer, Hall, Ward and Ludlow, started to carry the body, but its limpness impelled Brookins to support the head. A few others not mentioned seem to have been near. In the official re­ports, the death of the Colonel is reported to have occurred, while, at the head of his men, he led the charge, and this story has been quoted time and again both in print and in orations. Letters from those who were with him when he was shot, and which dove-tail into each other with remarkable accuracy, considering the excitement of the moment, have enabled the authors to record with greater accuracy the circumstances connected with his death.

[26] McCandless' report, O. R. 1. XXVII. i., p. 657.

 

[27] Composed partly of green North Carolina troops.

 

[28] See "Chancellorsville and Gettysburg" by General Abner Double­day, p. 205.

 

[29] 'Where all men are heroes comparisons are useless. So much has been written about the battle of Gettysburg, that its chief features are known to nearly half of the people, and its details to thousands. Yet it is permissible to point out that Little Round Top was recog­nized as an extremely important position-one whose possession by the enemy would render the Union line untenable; that when the brigade, to which the Bucktails were attached, came upon the field the Union troops were retreating in confused masses up the slope while the Con­federates at the same time were pushing forward; that the brigade charging drove the enemy to the stone wall, on the far side of Plum Run; that the brigade held that position throughout the night, and till evening the next day, when charging forward they regained the ground lost by Sickles, and by their flank movement compelled the evacuation of Devil's Den.

[30] O. R I. XkVII. i., p. 180. In this case, as also in others, the official report does not agree with the loss as shown by the muster roll.

[31] "History of Pennsylvania Reserve corps," by Justin R. Sypher, P. 475.

 

[32] Born Feb. 6, 1840; died July 2, 1863, aged 23 years 4 months and days.

[33] O. R. I. XXVII. i., p. 655.

 

[34] As previously stated this marker was dedicated upon October 6th, 1905.

 

[35] O. R. I. XXVII. ii., p. 282.