BURNSIDE'S CAMPAIGN.

 

 

II.

 

 

FREDERICKSBURG.

 

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Upon arriving at Brooke's Station, Captain Taylor, who had been exchanged, and Captain Irvin, who had recovered from the wound he had received at South Mountain, rejoined the regiment. Great was the rejoicing throughout the ranks, not only because of the affection felt for these officers, but also because, by directions received from Headquarters, Captain Taylor assumed command. Few inspections were so enjoyed as the one held by the latter on the 23rd; nor did anything relieve the monotony of camp life until December 4th, when orders were received directing the regiment to hold itself in readiness to march at a moment's notice. The long expected advance upon Fredericksburg loomed close upon the horizon, and everything betrayed the interest felt. On the 7th, a march &as made of some three miles, and on the 8th the regiment Lrrived at a place, then termed Mrs. Gray's Bottom. The weather became colder, and over icy roads the Bucktails on the ith advanced to the immediate vicinity of Fredericksburg, in full hearing of the bombardment then in progress.

Fredericksburg lies in a broken plain on the southern bank >f the Rappahannock; the town being oblong in shape, with its ength parallel to the river. The plain, in which it is situated, s formed by a bold ridge, partly wooded, which touching the Rappahannock above Falmouth, pursues a course in the rear

 

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of the town generally parallel with the river. Six miles below Falmouth the Massaponax Creek, flowing north, crosses the plain and empties into the Rappahannock. Thus the plain is best described as lying between the Rappahannock and the ridge; its upper end formed by the angle of the ridge and the Rappahannock, and its lower end by the Massaponax. Mid­way between the upper end and the Massaponax, is Deep Run, which crossing the plain divides it into two. In the upper half is the town itself.

When Burnside commenced his movement towards Fred­ericksburg, the advance was given to Sumner's Grand division. Sumner, who arrived at Falmouth upon the 17th of November, believing that it would be comparatively easy to occupy the town, it being then but lightly defended, requested permission to seize it, but his request was denied by General Burnside,[1] who proceeded slowly to mass his troops preparatory to taking the town by assault. His pontoons did not arrive until later than he expected, and this delayed him still further. The Con­federates, fully aware of the designs of the Union commander, made their preparations accordingly. During the weeks that Burnside permitted them, they concentrated their forces on the ridge back of the town. Earthwork epaulements for the pro­tection of artillery, rifle pits for infantry, and every other form of defense that human ingenuity could devise, were constructed. With the guns placed in position and riflemen in the trenches, the position became one that might well be termed impreg­nable.

Burnside when he finally decided to attack, seems to have had no definite plan in mind. His orders were so vague in phraseology that his subordinates were at a loss to know what

229

 

to do. Still, at any rate, Burnside decided to cross his army over the Rappahannock, at two places,[2] and then make an attack. Sumner's Grand division was to be the Union right and Franklin's Grand division the left, while the majority of Hooker's Grand division was to be held in reserve upon the northern bank. On the 11th and 12th of December the troops crossed the river.

It is probable that the Union forces amounted to about 113,000, against the Confederates' 78,000, a disparity[3] in num­bers that by no means counter-balanced the unequalness of posi­tion; for the Union troops were to move across an open plain, to attack a position naturally strong, and upon the defences of which the Confederates had spent weeks of labor, Sumner's Grand division, forming the Union right, occupied Fredericks­burg and in fact the plain from its upper end to Deep Rum. Franklin's Grand division,[4] forming the Union left, extended from Deep Run two miles towards the Massaponax. The entire army was formed parallel to the river, with the exception of Franklin's extreme left. This was held by the Pennsylvania Reserves, the division being formed at practically a right angle to the general line; its left touching the river at Smithfield[5] and its right almost connecting with the left of Gibbon's division. The division had been ordered to assume this position to guard

 

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against possible attacks that might be made from the direction of the Massaponax, a mile away.

At 5 o'clock, on the afternoon of the 12th, Burnside visited Franklin, who requested permission to make a strong attack the next morning. At- 6 o'clock Burnside left "without consenting to make the attack or without saying he would not "do it," but he did state that orders would be received in the course of two or three hours. After midnight Franklin sent an Aide-de-Camp to the telegraph office, only to learn that the orders were being prepared. About 7 o'clock on the morning of the 13th, General Franklin received a despatch from Burn­side's Chief of Staff, a portion of which was as follows

"General Hardie will carry this despatch to you and remain "with you during the day. The general commanding directs "that you keep your whole command in position for a. rapid "movement down the Richmond road, and you will send out at "once a division, at least, to pass below Smithfield, to seize, if "possible, the heights near Captain Hamilton's, on this side of "the Massaponax, taking care to keep it well supported and its "line of retreat open." [6]

It would appear that Franklin was justified in believing that his main duty was to be ready to move down the Richmond road; though he was at the same time ordered to make an effort to capture the heights in front of him. This effort was to be made by but one division, which, however, was to be well sup­ported and to have its line of retreat assured. General Sumner, on the Union right, seems to have received orders which were

 

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no more definite than those sent to Franklin.[7] However, as a division was to be sent to do the work of two average corps, Franklin instructed Reynolds to order one forward, and the choice fell upon the Pennsylvania Reserves.

The distance from the Rappahannock to the ridge at this point is about a mile and a half. The old Richmond stage road[8] runs down the middle of the plain, being slightly nearer to the river than to the ridge. Between the road and the ridge, in a slight depression several hundred yards in width, runs the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad. The slope to the railroad from the extreme left for the space of 300 or 4oo yards was clear; beyond it was wooded, the woods extending across the hollow and in front of the railroad.

A heavy fog in the early morning had obstructed the view, but lifted gradually. General Meade, upon receiving his orders to attack, put his division in motion, advancing down the river some seven or eight hundred yards, before, turning sharply to the right, he moved towards the ridge. Crossing the road, con­siderable time was lost owing to the necessity of removing fences and bridging the side drains, so as to permit of the pas­sage of the artillery.[9] The First Army corps, commanded by General Reynolds, consisted of three divisions: Doubleday's, Gibbon's and Meade's, and General Reynolds, when ordering Meade to advance, notified him that he would be supported upon his right by Gibbon, and his left covered by Doubleday[10]

 

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Between 9 and 10 o'clock, Meade formed his column of attack: the First brigade in line of battle on the crest of the hollow and facing the railroad; the Second brigade 3oo yards in the rear of the First; and the Third brigade by the flank. The Third brigade assumed this position to guard against an attack on the division's left flank and rear being made from the old Rich­mond road near the Massaponax. An attack made almost immediately both by the artillery and infantry[11] from this direc­tion confirmed the justness of the disposition. The brigade's batteries were brought into play, and sharpshooters deployed, with such effect that the demonstration soon ceased. It was then decided to resume the advance and make the attempt to penetrate the Confederate line, at the point where the woods projected beyond the railroad. Contrary to usual custom, the Sixth regiment had been deployed as skirmishers for the First brigade, while the Bucktails, divided into squads, were ordered to support the various batteries. Preparatory to the infantry advance the batteries were ordered to shell the woods and heights, and the Third brigade to change front, forming line of battle on the left of the First. This movement had hardly been executed when the enemy's battery, from the heights on the extreme left, poured in a hail of shot. Three batteries of the division replied, and after being in practice for half an hour silenced it by blowing up its caissons.

he Confederate right was defended by Jackson; and to A. P. Hill's division fell the task of resisting Meade's assault. Archer's brigade of seven regiments was on the Confederate right of the woods, and Lane's brigade on the left. There was a gap of several hundred yards between the left of Archer and the right of Lane, but both brigades had strong skirmish lines

 

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pushed forward beyond the railroad; while Gregg's brigade, 500 yards in the rear, covered the space between Archer and Lane. In addition a heavy force of artillery strengthened the position.[12] Moreover, while the woods entirely concealed both the disposition and strength of the Confederates from the Union troops, the latter, maneuvering upon an open plain, were in full view of their opponents.

About 1 o'clock General Meade gave the order to advance, and the columns immediately moved forward. By the time the line had advanced two or three hundred yards, General Meade rode up to Captain Taylor, who, with his men, was supporting the batteries, and asked him what he was doing there. Taylor explained that he had been ordered by Colonel Sinclair to remain with the guns, whereupon General Meade counter­manded the order of the Brigade-Commander, and directed the Captain to form his regiment and take his proper place in the line. Eager to perform their duty the men were formed, and advanced at the double-quick towards the right of the brigade; but the Confederates, who by that time had fully recognized the meaning of the various movements, opened such a withering fire that a gap was opened in the left, and into the gap, Captain Taylor diverted his command.[13] Penetrating the woods, and

 

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driving the rebels before them, the Bucktails reached the rail­road. Captain Larrimer, of Company E, of the Fifth regiment, was at this point calling upon his men for a charge. Co-oper­ating with this force, the Bucktails endeavored to force back their opponents, but without avail, though the attempt cost many lives. Upon the right of the Bucktails, the One-Hundred­and-Twenty-First was driving back the enemy, and thus re­lieved from the pressure on their right flank, the Bucktails were enabled to join in the advance. From ditches and rifle pits close to the railroad the First brigade drove the Confederates; then they forced them back into the woods till they came to the second parallel, capturing a large number of prisoners and stacks of muskets.[14]  till they advanced till they gained the farther side of the wood. Here a road ran in front of them and beyond it was an open plateau in turn dominated by another ridge. Captain Taylor, whose horse had been shot under him, had encouraged his men on foot till he fell wounded. Up at the front Corporal Looney, of Company G, bore aloft the silk flag of Company K, which since the Peninsular campaign had done service as the colors of the regiment; and as he dropped with his death wound, his blood spurted over the tattered flag.

Acting as a wedge of the army, the brigade had penetrated the Confederate line, and having done so, received a terrific fire from both infantry and artillery on both flanks, as well as

 

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upon the front. With its ammunition practically exhausted it fell back. As it did so, the Second brigade advanced, and reached nearly the same point, only to fall back in like manner.[15] The Third brigade held its position in the woods for over an hour, but a portion of it gained the summit, as had the First and Second brigades.[16]

General Meade's division had done everything that had been asked of it. It had driven the enemy from his rifle pits and breastworks for over half a mile: had taken over 300 pris­oners and several standards. Attacked upon three sides by the enemy, who was being reinforced as fast as Jackson could urge his troops to the front, the division being unsupported was compelled to fall back. So sure were the officers of their ability to have held the ground they had won, had they been supported, that two of the Brigade-Commanders considered it incumbent upon them to incorporate such a statement in their reports.[17] Gibbon's division, which was to have supported their right, had been retarded, and diverted, [18] and Birney's division, which had occupied the place vacated by the Reserves when they moved to the attack, remained too far to the rear. Compelled to relinquish what he had won, General Meade determined to withdraw his men with as small a loss as the situation would permit. Sending back he called for reinforcements, but none came. With every moment the situation became more critical,

 

236

 

till remembering that though he was fighting in the uniform of a Brigadier-General, he had in his pocket his commission as Major-General, he rode back to General Birney, exclaiming "General, I assume the authority of ordering you up to the "relief of my men."[19] A portion of Birney's division was imme­diately detached and assisted in the withdrawal operations. With empty cartridge boxes, the shattered division was again forced to cross the open plain, which, through the enemy's fire, resembled a ploughed field. General Reynolds and General Meade attempted to rally the men while under fire, but not succeeding the line was reformed on the other side of the old Richmond road. It cannot be too persistently borne in mind that the act of penetrating an enemy's line is a dangerous one for the troops constituting the wedge. Necessarily subjected to a heavy fire, they are certain to be more or less diverted from their course, by objects with which they may meet, and to be­come separated, more or less, after breaking through. When woods are encountered the disorganization increases. If support is immediately given, the captured position may be retained; but should delay occur in giving succor, the successful charge fre­quently ends in a disorganized rout. - The withdrawal of the Reserves unannihilated constituted a remarkable military feat. General Meade stated that 4,500 men would be a liberal esti­mate of the strength of the division as it went into action:[20] the official casualty reports[21] show that the loss in killed, wounded and missing was 1,853. Well might Meade exclaim, "My God, "General Reynolds, did they think my division could whip "Lee's whole army. There is all that is left of my Reserves."

The rest of the battle is soon told. Meade's division retired

 

237

 

shortly after 2 o'clock. Sumner, on the right, had been ordered to assault the ridge in his front and selected Couch's Second army corps for the attack.[22] The divisions of Hancock and French were ordered forward and at about 1 o'clock, being thrown against an impregnable position,[23] were destroyed: Han­cock losing 2,032 and French 1,160 men. Howard's division, which moved to their support, escaped with a loss of 914. Stur­gis' division, of the Ninth corps, had been ordered forward on the left and made several attacks in support of the Second corps, losing t,oo7 men. This whole attack costing over 5,000 men, had spent its force by half past two, and should lave convinced even the most sceptical of the futility of frontal attacks. Yet Burnside obstinately ordered the Fifth army corps, which had been held on the north bank of the river, to cross and attack. So apparent was the madness of assaulting the defences the Confederates had erected at this point that General Hooker personally begged Burnside to desist, but without result.[24] Humphreys division was selected, with Sykes' division in sup­port. When Hooker considered that he had lost as many men as his orders required him to lose,[25] he suspended the attack. In fifteen minutes Humphreys lost t,o19 men and Sykes 228. For­tunately it was approaching evening and the battle ceased.

 

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The Union commander was confronted with a total loss of 12,653 men;[26] while the Confederates apparently lost only 5,309;[27] and it should be remembered that of this number more than two-thirds, or 3,415, fell before Franklin's attack, led by the Pennsylvania Reserves, leaving but 1,555 to offset the Union casualties on the right.

During the night General Burnside actually proposed to resume the attack the next day, by forming the Ninth corps in a column of attack by regiments, and leading it to assault in person: yet, urgently entreated by General Sumner, he aban­doned the idea.

Military historians have universally condemned the attack made by the Union right. The attack made by the Union left, led by the Reserves, is a different matter. Franklin believed that could he secure firm lodgment on the ridge it would be desirable, and though others consider the importance of such position exaggerated, it is hard to see how the Confederates could have avoided a retreat had it been held.[28] The remark­able valor of the troops, who for a short time did cling to the ridge is, however, not a matter of dispute. General Jackson reports the attack as being made by the "main body of Frank­"lin's grand division, supported by a portion of Hooker's" and describes how they advanced to "within point blank range of "our infantry" and became "thus exposed to the murderous fire "of musketry and artillery."[29] General Archer, commanding a brigade in A. P. Hill's division, reported that the Nineteenth

 

239

 

 Georgia and Fourteenth Tennessee were compelled to retire, leaving about i6o prisoners. Also that the greater part of the Seventeenth Tennessee "left the trenches in disorder."[30]

In fact so rapid was their advance that General Gregg, who, in the rear, guarded the gap between Archer and Lane, did not believe that they could be Union troops and ordered his men to hold their fire, paying for his mistake with his life a moment later.[31]

Owing to their conflicting orders the Bucktails are practi­cally unmentioned in the official reports, though they stand out prominently in the casualty report

                                                                                                   

Killed Wounded Missing Total
Officers 1 4 1 6
Men 18 109 28 155
Total 19 113 29 161[32]

thus showing a greater loss than any other regiment in their brigade.

Lieutenant W. B. Jenkins, of Company C, was killed, while Captains Taylor and Irvin, who had only just rejoined the regiment, were wounded. Lieutenants O. D. Jenkins, of Com­pany C ; D. G. McNaughton, of Company D ; T. B. Winslow, of Company G ; and R. F. Ward, of Company I, were the other officers to suffer[33]. Among the men injured was Francis Gruay,

 

 240

 

of Company D, better known as "French Frank," who besides being Drill Master, was one of the characters of the regiment. He was struck in the hip with a ball and as his leg remained stiff received his discharge.[34]

The horror that permeated the whole battle is illustrated in the death of Henry Jackson. A shell tore off one leg at the knee, mangling the other. While the surgeons were preparing in the field hospital to amputate, Jackson remained calm and sitting upright, till a shell dropped by the table and exploding killed him. Lew Jordan, who was acting as nurse, was killed instantly, and Dr. Crouch wounded in the head. Others suf­fered also, but their names have not been recorded.

When the troops had been driven back they had been unable to carry all their dead and wounded with them. Under a flag of truce, on the 14th, some of the Surgeons directed the work of recovery and continued their labor on the 15th. Then in the night, in the midst of a storm, the Reserves were ordered to recross the river, and went into camp with the other troops. On the morning of the 16th, therefore, Burnside had once more concentrated his forces on the north bank of the

 

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Rappahannock, facing the enemy on the south bank, and the book of the battle of Fredericksburg had been closed.

The Bucktails marched on the 18th to near Belle Plain, which is six miles north of Falmouth and on the Potomac River. On the 19th, they were ordered to make their tents as comfortable as possible, and on the same date General Meade reported their strength to be as follows

 

Officers Men Total
Present 16 273 289
Absent 8 282 290
Total 24 555 579

showing that 15 officers and 425 men were required to fill the regiment.[35] Shortly after, General Meade, in accordance with his promotion to Major-General, severed his connection with the division to assume command of the Fifth army corps. Upon leaving he caused a highly commendatory address to be read in the presence of all the companies. The division was then again reorganized as follows

Third Division, First Army Corps.

Col. Horatio G. Sickel.

First Brigade.                                       Second Brigade

Col. William McCandless                            Col. Robert P. Cummings

1st Penna. Reserves                       3rd Penna. Reserves

2nd Penna. Reserves                     4th Penna. Reserves

6th Penna. Reserves                       7th Penna. Reserves

13th Penna. Reserves                    8th Penna. Reserves

(Bucktails)                                             142nd Pennsylvania

                                                121st Pennsylvania

 

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Third Brigade

Col. Martin D. Hardin

5th Penna. Reserves

9th Penna. Reserves

l0th Penna. Reserves

11th Penna. Reserves

12th Penna. Reserves

 

Artillery.

1st Penna., Battery B.

5th United States, Battery C[36]

1st Penna., Battery G.

1st Penna., Battery A.

 

The weather became very cold and the troops, believing that active operations were over for the winter, set about build­ing winter quarters. Christmas passed uneventfully, one of the men's diaries containing the laconic entry, "At camp, on guard. "Our Christmas dinner bean-soup. Fine day."[37] On the 30th orders were received to be ready to march at a moment's notice, yet the movement hung fire. General Burnside, the target for the most scathing criticism for uselessly throwing away the lives of his men at Fredericksburg, had decided, however, that he could not close operations for the winter without making another attempt. Hence he made preparations to cross his army at the south bank at Bank's Ford, masking his intention by feints above and below Fredericksburg. Roads were cut, batteries planted, rifle trenches prepared and everything put into readiness. On the night of January 20th, while the move­ment was in progress, a terrific storm came on, and prevented anything being accomplished successfully. The clay roads be­came impassable and the teams were unable to drag the pon-

 

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toons to their assigned positions. The enemy became aware of the Union Commander's intentions and watched grimly. Dur­ing the day efforts worthy of giants were made to get the pon­toons into position, but unavailingly. On the southern bank the Confederates taunted their laboring opponents. The condition of the roads almost passes belief. The army was half buried in mud and liquid muck, in which the horses and mules sank. The wagons were scattered about embedded up to the hubs of the wheels, or overturned and half buried in the mud: the ammunition trains and artillery hopelessly stalled. Efforts were made to corduroy the road and the army staggered back.

The Bucktails took part in this "Mud March," as it has come to be known, returning with the other troops and busying themselves with fixing up their old quarters. Four months' pay was distributed on January 29th, and the men, who needed it badly, as in fact they always did, received it thankfully. During the cold and wet they did much tailoring and made an effort to repair the damage sustained during the recent cam­paign.

General Burnside, at his own request, was removed from command of the army and General Hooker appointed in his stead[38] on January 26th, 1863.

Although efforts made to have the Reserves sent to Harris­burg to recuperate and recruit proved unavailing, they were ordered to the defenses of Washington, where it was thought much could be accomplished. On February 6th, the Bucktails ' marched to Belle Plain and were put on board an old canal L boat. While endeavoring to get out of the creek, a piece of ice

 

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stove a hole in this leaky craft and a scramble was made tc board the steamer that had it in tow. Hardly had the last mar climbed aboard the steamer when the canal boat sank. Though saved from being below water, the men were through the mishap compelled to make a deck passage, and, needless to say were very cold before arriving at Alexandria on the following morning.


[1] Sumner's testimony: "Report of the Joint Committeee on the "Conduct of the War." Part I., p. 657.

[2] It seems to be generally admitted that this crossing could not have been prevented by the Confederates on account of Union artillery placed on hills on the northern side of the river, dominating the plain. General Franklin, however, in his testimony before the Committee appointed to inquire into the conduct of the war, maintained the opposite. (Frank­lin's testimony: "Report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the "War," Part I., p. 661.)

 

[3] "'Antietam and Fredericksburg," by Brigadier-General F. W. Palfrey, p. I49.

 

[4] 'The division was strengthened by one of Hooker's corps.

 

[5] 'Not shown on maps; probably an old "Southern castle."

 

[6] Franklin's testimony: "Report of the Joint Committee on the Con­duct of the War." Part L, p. 707-708. The injunction to keep his whole command in readiness to move is repeated later in the order.

 

[7] “Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac,” by William Swinton, p. 245.

                  He finally came to the conclusion that he would attempt to do something, he did no know quite what, with his left, and if he succeeded to do something with his right.”  (“Antietam and Fredericksburg,” by Brigadier-General F. W. Palfrey, p. 151)

[8] This road is frequently termed the Bowling Green Road

[9] Meade's report, O. R. I. XXI., p. 510.

 

[10] 'Reynolds' report, O. R. I. XXI., p. 453.

 

[11] Stuart's Horse Artillery. See A. P. Hill's report, O. R. I. XXI., p. 645.

[12] "The Army of Northern Virginia in 1862," by Lieutenant-Colonel William Allan, p. 477-478.

[13] 'These conflicting orders were responsible for the scant mention of the regiment in the official reports. Colonel McCandless, who suc­ceeded Colonel Sinclair in command of the ist brigade, merely states

that the Buck`ails were detached to support Cooper's battery, and ad­vanced with the 3rd brigade (O. R. I. XXI., p. P8) ; while Colonel Anderson, in his official report of the action of the 3rd brigade (O. R.

I. XXI., p. 521) fails to make mention of them at all. The explanation is simple. The 3rd brigade was formed with its right almost touching the ist brigade's left. The Commander of the ist brigade having detached the regiment, thought that when it moved up on his left it was still acting with the 3rd brigade; and the Commander of the3rd brigade when it moved up on his right, thought that it had re­joined the 1st brigade. In fact, in the official casualty report (O. R I. XXI., p. 139) it appears with the 1st brigade. Captain Bard, in his "History," is authority for the account of its co-operation at one moment with the 5th regiment, which belonged to the 3rd brigade, and at another moment with the 121st, which belonged to the 1st brigade. As Colonel McCandless remarks (O. R. I. XXI., p. 519), "Owing to "the density of the woods and the unevenness of the ground over which "we passed, the regiments became greatly confused."

 

 

[14] McCandless' report, O. R. I. XXI., p. 518-519.

 

[15] Meade's report, O. R. I. XXI., p. 512.

 

[16] Meade's report, O. R. I. XXI., p. 512.

 

[17] McCandless, O. R. I. XXI., p. 51g. Anderson, O. R. I. XXI., p.522.

[18] Meade testified, "General Gibbon's division-which I had under-

stood was to have advanced simultaneously with my own, did not "advance until I had been driven back. It advanced until it came

"within short range of the enemy, when it halted. The officers could not "get the men forward .... That delay enabled the enemy to concen­trate their forces and attack me gn my front and both flanks." "Re­"port of the Committee on the Conduct of the War." Part I., p. 691.

 

[19] History of the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps;" by J. R. Sypher,P. 415.

 

[20] Meade's report, O. R. I. XXI., P. 512. 

[21] O. R. 1. XXI., p. 140.

 

[22] His orders seem to have been practically the same as Franklin's­ to attack with a division whose line of retreat should be kept open.

 

[23] Into how much detail shall we go in telling the story of this "attempt to carry wooded slopes and successive crests, this advance "against admirable troops, covered by breastworks and rifle-pits, with "guns protected by earthworks, disposed in lines which gave both front "and enfilading.fires on their assailants as they moved up the gradual "slope." ("Antietam and Fredericksburg," by Brigadier-General F. W. Palfrey, p. 165. )

 

[24] 'Hooker's testimony: "Report of the Committee on the Conduct "of the War," Part I., p. 668.

[25] His Own words. 'Hooker's testimony: "Report of the Committee on the Conduct "of the War," Part I., p. 668

[26] All these figures are taken from the official casualty records.

[27] Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac," by William Swinton, p. 253.

 

[28] See also comment of General Meade, quoted in the chapter "Cen­"treville and the Mine Run Campaign," stating that the Union army would have won had the Reserves been supported.

 

[29] O. R. I. XXI., p. 632.

 

[30] O. R. I. XXI., p. 657. In a letter to the Orderly-Sergeant of Com­pany F, dated October 13, i8go, Governor Curtin said, "I will not for­get in this letter to you that Gen. Meade told me when you went "through the enemy's lines at Fredericksburg with the Reserve corps, "that he was confident he was through because the 'Bucktails' were en­gaged in collecting what was left in the Rebel camp: that battle was a "slaughter, and if supported might have ended the war."

 

[31] The Army of Northern Virginia in 1862," by Lieutenant-Colonel William Allan, p. 487.

 

[32] O. R. I. XXI., p. 139.

 

[33] 'Another instance of the official casualty report being in error 6 not 4 officers were wounded.

 

[34] 'His soldierly bearing in the hospital at Washington made him friends who secured for him a position as sutler at the end of the long bridge over the Potomac. Captain Bard is authority for the statement, that at South Mountain, Gruay seeing three rebels behind a hay stack, took refuge behind a tree. Then after drawing their fire by exhibiting his cap upon a stick, he rushed forward, bagged his prey, and marched them up to General Meade, with the remark, "General, see ze d---d "rebels, caught them behind straw stack." When the General told him to turn them over to the Provost Marshal, he asked: "Where is "ze Provost Marshal?" Rather surprised, the General replied that the Marshal could be found at the foot of the hill. "Ali," said Francis, "General l I so tired, I cannot go down ze big hill, I so nearly done "for." Laughing, the General told him to turn his prisoners over to some stragglers who were passing, and asked if there were any more rebels in front. "General, I capture lot more," was the reply of the Frenchman as he moved forward.

 

[35] O. R. I. XXI., p. 879. The number required was obtained by as­suming that all those reported "absent" would return, and deducting the present and absent from the total desired.

 

[36] O. R I. XXI., p. 933.

[37] Diary of William A. Holland.

[38] O. R. I. XXI., p. loos. The removal of General Burnside was inevitable, yet it is only fair to state that upon his appointment he had

stated that he felt he was incompetent, and did not wish to have the responsibility.