CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.

 

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Threats of Southern leaders-Secret preparations for war--Treachery of Buchanan's Cabinet--Conduct of Floyd--Shipment of arms and ammunition to the Southern States--Seizure of Government pro­perty by the rebels--Dispersion of the Navy--Secession of South Carolina--The Government in possession of the Conspirators--The inauguration of President Lincoln--Official declaration that force will be used to defend public property--The conspirators attack Fort Sumter--The effect in the South--The uprising of the North--The condition of the War Department--Response to the call for 75,000 troops--Washington threatened--Treachery of Virginians--Harper's Ferry and Gosport Navy Yard destroyed--Riot in Baltimore--The route to the Capital re-opened.

 

The political leaders in the Southern States had so fre­quently threatened secession and the dissolution of the Union, that the people of the North heard with indifference the menace repeated at the return of each presidential elec­tion. During the administration preceding the inauguration of President Lincoln, the Southern leaders openly prepared for war. Military companies were organized, equipped and drilled, at the expense of the government, and the commu­nities of the South Atlantic and Gulf States were put on a war footing. No tocsin of alarm was sounded. The work of preparation went on quietly and stealthily, it is true, but vigorously, and with organized system. In the spring of 1860, the conspirators, emboldened by their previous suc­cesses, declared openly, that unless they were permitted to choose for the succession, a man for President of the United States, committed to their own peculiar principles, they would secede from the Union and establish a confederacy, of the Southern States, wherein the slaveholder might enjoy the rights and privileges of his domestic institution, unmo­lested by external interference. The extreme ignorance of

 

 

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the lower classes of the white population in the slave States, placed them wholly in the power of those who plotted treason against the government. They were taught to believe that the greatest calamity that could befall them and all the inhabitants of the Southern States, would be a government administered by a "Republican" President, and that the only means of escape from this was secession and the establishment of an independent Confederacy. Though the leaders thus taught the people, they at the same time dili­gently labored to ensure the election of the Republican can­didate; and having succeeded in this, they called on the ignorant and misguided masses to take up arms and resist the authority of President Lincoln. During the administra­tion of James Buchanan, the traitors occupied the fortifica­tions, barracks and arsenals of the army; seized the yards and docks of the navy; plundered the mints and cus­tom houses; sent abroad the ships of war; corrupted the regular army; bankrupted the Treasury; destroyed the credit of the United States, and so completely demoral­ized the National Government, that but for the virtue and latent patriotism of the loyal people in the Northern States, the free institutions of America would have been irretrieva­bly lost. Not only had the leaders labored to disarm the people and demoralize the government by seizing the forts, arsenals and treasure, by dispersing the fleet and disorgan­izing the army, but they had placed in the several depart­ments at the National Capital, men on whom they could rely for assistance. They were equally diligent in garrison­ing the fortifications on the Southern coast with men of their own choosing, and in marshaling armies for the field. For, however short-sighted and blinded by treason, these men were not without serious apprehensions of a sudden uprising of the people in defence of the government and the honored flag of the country. To armies hastily organized and indif­ferently armed, they had prepared to oppose companies and

regiments and batteries familiar with the evolutions on the field and skilled in the manual of arms.

 

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Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States on the 7th day of November, 1860, but would not enter upon the duties of that office until his inauguration on the 4th day of March, 1861. In the mean time, James Buchanan, who had been elected to his office, openly pledged to pursue the general policy of the slaveholders, adminis­tered the affairs of the nation. The government was virtually in the hands of the conspirators, and they had yet four months in which to mature their nefarious schemes. Never was time more industriously employed. The members of the President's Cabinet were among the boldest of the con­spirators, and unscrupulous and dictatorial, they enthralled him by superior councils, and involved him in a policy which, though he knew was disastrous to the Nation, he had not power to change. His advisers watched him keenly as do beasts of prey their victim, and, with commendations or threats, moulded him to execute their will. Howell Cobb, a slaveholder and leading conspirator in Georgia, was Secre­tary of the Treasury; he employed the powers of his official position to destroy the credit of the Nation and leave an exhausted treasury to the new Administration. Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, was Secretary of the Interior, and, though a weak man, he served as spy and informer to the conspirators, and in Cabinet meetings voted with his associates in treason. John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War, having greater power for evil, outstripped all others in crime against the government he had sworn to defend. Ile scattered the standing army of the United States in remote fortresses, in the far west, and left the forts in the Southern States ungarrisoned. He disarmed the Northern States by emptying their arsenals and sending the arms into the Southern States, where they could be seized and used by the insurgents. One hundred and fifteen thousand stand of arms were taken from Springfield, Mass., and Watervliet, N. Y., and distributed throughout the slave States. A vast amount of heavy ordnance and ordnance stores were trans­ferred to the disaffected States; cannons, mortars, balls,

 

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shells, powder, and all the materials of war, were shipped in large quantities to rebel storehouses. Having thus depleted the War Department, over which be presided, Floyd re signed his office as Secretary, and at once joined the rebel army, in which he received a high commission. Isaac Toucy, of Connecticut, a pliant tool in the hands of the con­spirators, was Secretary of the Navy. Including vessels of every class, the United States Navy consisted of ninety ves­sels carrying about two thousand four hundred guns.

It was of the utmost importance to the conspirators, that this arm of the Nation's defence, should be rendered power­less at the hour it would be most needed by the government. The gallantry and high-sense of honor, that obtained among the officers of the fleet, and the pride with which each com­mander regarded his vessel and the flag it bore on the high seas, rendered hopeless the traitors' schemes of corruption, so successfully plied against the officers at Washington. If the fleet commanders could not be converted to plots of treason, it was essential to the purposes of the conspirators, that the fleet should be dispersed in a manner that would render it unavailable for defence. Accordingly, it was dispersed. In the report of the new Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, made July 4tb, 1861, it is stated that five war vessels were sent to the East Indies, three to Brazil, seven to the Pacific Ocean, three to the Mediterreanean, seven to the coast of Africa and others to other distant waters, so that of the whole squadron, but two vessels, carrying twenty-seven guns and two hundred and eighty men, were left at home in Northern ports, and available to the government at the time of the attack made by the rebels on Fort Sumter. Earnest men in the North regarded this unprecedented dispersion of the fleet of the Nation, with suspicion and alarm, even before the facts were published in the official report of Secretary Welles. The House of Representatives appointed a select committee of five, to examine into the condition of the navy, and to inquire into the conduct of Secretary Toucy. This committee reported to the House on the 21st of February, 1861, and after stating in what manner the fleet was dispersed, made use of the following language: "F.rom this statement it will appear, that the entire naval force availa­ble for the defence of the whole Atlantic coast, at the time of the appointment of this committee, consisted of the steamer Brooklyn, twenty-five guns, and. the store-ship Relief, two guns. While the former was of too great draft to permit her to enter Charleston harbor with safety, except at springtide, the latter was under orders to the coast of Africa with stores for the African squadron. Thus the whole Atlantic seaboard has been, to all intents and purposes, without defences during all the period of civil commotion, and lawless violence to which the President has called our attention, as ‘of such vast and alarming proportions as to be beyond his power to check or control.’

"The committee cannot fail to call attention to this extra­ordinary disposition of the entire naval force of the country, and especially in connection with the present no less extra­ordinary and critical juncture of political affairs. They cannot call to mind any period in the past history of the country, of such profound peace and internal repose, as would justify so entire an abandonment of the coast of the country to the chance of fortune. Certainly, since the nation pos­sessed a navy, it has never before sent its entire available force into distant seas, and exposed the numerous interests at home, of which it is the special guardian, to the dangers from which, even in times of the utmost quiet, prudence and forecast do always shelter them. To the committee this dis­position of the naval force at this most critical period, seems extraordinary. The permitting of vessels to depart for dis­tant seas, after these unhappy difficulties had broken out at home; the omission to put in repair and commission, ready for orders, a single one of the twenty-eight ships dismantled and unfit for service, in our own ports, and that, too, while six hundred and forty-six thousand six hundred and thirty-nine dollars and seventy-nine cents of the appropriation for repairs in the navy, the present year, remained unexpended,

 

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were, in the opinion of your committee, grave errors----without justification or excuse."

Thus was the government despoiled by its sworn officers; the most sacred trusts were betrayed; the property of the government was delivered to its enemies by the men whose sworn duty it was to defend and preserve it, and the govern­ment itself was on the very point of being unconditionally surrendered into the hands of the conspirators. It is dif­ficult to find any where in the annals of history, so great weakness surrounded by arrogance so unscrupulous, and controlled by treachery so infamous. The Executive, aroused to a sense of the dangers that surrounded him, in a delirium of terror and alarm, recommended the unconditional sur­render of the government to the demands of those who plotted for its destruction. The North was called on to sur­render every thing. The South was only to consent to ac­cept the surrender. A "Peace Congress" was convened at Washington. to arrange the catalogue of concessions the North was required to make to Slavery. Seven States were unrepresented. Their leaders had resolved on a dismem­berment of the Union, And the establishment of a con­federacy, whose foundation should be slavery. They refused to take part in the Peace Convention, and regarded with scorn any measures that interfered with their mad designs. The convention adjourned on the 27th of February, 1861, and their deliberations and plans of adjustment were soon forgotten. Compromises and resolutions of pacification, were offered in the Senate of the United States, and discussed at great length; but over and above all schemes of politicians and compromises offered by statesmen, stood the one great fact, that the State of South Carolina, through the represen­tatives of her people in convention assembled, as far as it was possible for them so to do, proceeded formally to secede from the United States, and to break up the government of the American Union, by passing the following resolution: "We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby de-

 

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clared and ordained, that the ordinance adopted by us in Convention, on the 23d of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America vas ratified, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State, ratifying the amend­ments of said Constitution, are hereby repealed, and that the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America is hereby dissolved."

In the face of this official declaration on the part of the conspirators in South Carolina, it was impossible for loyal sovereigns in the North to consent to, much less to offer, any terms of compromise. The new Administration acted on this principle, and demanded that the conspirators should retract their acts of hostility against the United States, as prelimi­nary to compromise and terms of pardon. It was, however, not the purpose of the rebels to retract, not even to suspend hostilities. Many believed that a peaceful separation might be effected; but the leaders prepared for war and were resolved on enforcing their resolutions of secession by arms in open war.

Throughout the Southern States, the slaveholding seces­sionists brought into requisition every instrument of terror within their grasp to crush out the last vestige of loyalty to) the Union. " Vigilance Committees" and " Minute Men" were organized in the cities and large towns, to execute the commands of the chief conspirators, and it is a notable fact, that wherever these organizations were established, treason was most successful. Those who could not be controlled by persuasion and coaxing, were dragooned and bullied, by threats and jeers. By this means, when the question of secession was nominally, submitted to a popular vote, thous­ands of well-disposed citizens voted for immediate secession through timidity, and many more, who at heart were too loyal to be guilty of the slightest overt act of treason against the government, quietly remained at home, in order to escape violence. "To be candid," says a Southern journalist, speak-

 

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ing of the election, "there never has been so much lying and bullying practised, in the same length of time, since the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, as has been in the recent campaign"

" The big heart of the people is still in the Union, and we hope to see it yet assert its supremacy. It is now subjugated temporarily to the will of the politicians. Less than a hundred thousand politicians are endeavoring to destroy the liberties and usurp the rights of more than thirty millions of people. If the people permit it, they deserve the horrors of the civil war which will ensue ; they deserve the despotism under which they will be brought, and the hard fate which will be their lot."

The stout heart gave utterance to these sounds of warning, in the midst of traitors; they fell not unheard on the ears of men not yet wholly mad, but through fear, were unheeded.

Forts Creswell and Johnson, on the coast of North Caro­lina, were seized by the rebels on the 8th of January, 1861. On the 9th, a convention in the State of Mississippi passed an ordinance of secession. On the 11th, an armed force from New Orleans seized the United States Marine Hospital, two miles below the city, expelled the patients and converted the buildings into barracks for rebel troops. On the same clay, the secessionists of Florida and Alabama declared those States out of the Union. They seized the navy yard and Fort Barancas at Pensacola. The rebels in Mississippi blockaded the Mississippi river at Vicksburg, by placing a battery of field pieces on the bluff; and compelled every vessel passing to heave to and be searched. On the Arkansas river a vessel, with government supplies for the garrison at Fort Smith, was seized and confiscated to the use of the rebels. On the 15th, the rebels in Florida surprised and captured the United States Coast Survey Schooner Dana. On the 19th, a convention in Georgia, by a vote of two hundred and eighty-eight against eighty-nine, voted that State out of the Union. On the 21st, Jefferson Davis, United States Senator from the State of Mississippi, who continued to

 

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occupy his seat after the secession of the State he repre­sented, withdrew from the Senate to place himself at the head of the rebels. On the 26th, the convention in Louisiana passed an ordinance of secession. This convention was an usurpation. No returns have ever been made of the vote by which the members claimed to have been elected. It is believed, that in defiance of the threatened reign of terror, the people of that State voted against secession. The con­vention was nevertheless packed to the pleasement of the leaders, and the ordinance was adopted with only seventeen dissenting voices in a convention of one hundred and thirty delegates. On the 31st, the rebels in New Orleans, silencing, by threats of Lynch law, every honest patriot who would offer a remonstrance, seized the custom-house and the United States Mint, containing government deposits to the amount of five hundred and eleven thousand dollars.

On the 4th of February, forty-two of the leading conspira­tors met in Montgomery, Alabama,, representing the States of Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, and South Carolina. The object of the convention was the organization of a new nation,-the Southern Con­federacy,-to consist of the seven States above named, and such other States as might subsequently secede from the Union and be added to the Confederacy. Without the slightest misgivings, these men undertook to revolutionize a nation whose territory spans a zone of the continent, and the number of whose people exceeds thirty millions. They deemed themselves sovereign umpires, and arrogated to their convention the power to frame a Constitution, adopt Articles of Confederation, and establish a permanent govern­ment. The people were ignored and had no voice in the revolution. History affords no parallel to such audacious usurpation; and yet, so sagaciously was the affair managed, that the ignorant masses at the South were led as obediently as plantation slaves to unrewarded labor. After performing the grave ceremonies of creating a nation, these same forty-­two delegates chose Jefferson Davis President, and Alexan-

 

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der H. Stevens Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy. On the 18th, Jefferson Davis and Alexander II. Stevens were inaugurated at Montgomery in the offices to which they had been elected by the convention.

Everything thus seemed to go prosperously for the Con­federacy, and the conspirators -were loud in their declarations that God favored their enterprize and would give it success. All this time the government was apparently powerless. The slaveholding States bounding the free States on the south, called the "border States," did not secede, but threat­ened to do so if the government attempted to coerce the seceded States back into the Union. This policy of "No Coercion," which governed the action of the leaders in the border States, was a device of traitors to enthral these States into the new doctrine of constitutional secession. No action of these non-seceded States could have been more embar­rassing to the authorities at Washington. They thus formed a, bulwark, behind which the seceded States deliberately and securely prepared for war; and from and through which they drew supplies of arms and men.

Soon after the inauguration at Montgomery, a member of the Military Committee declared, "We have arms, and in abundance, though no armories. Every State has amply provided itself to meet any emergency that may arise, and is daily purchasing and receiving cannon, mortars, shells, and other engines of destruction with which to overwhelm the dastard adversary. Organized armies now exist in all the States, commanded by officers, brave, accomplished, and experienced; and even should war occur in twenty days, I feel confident that they have both the valor and the arms successfully to resist any force whatever."

The people of the free States regarded the progress of the rebellion with composure; and quietly, but with intense latent emotion, awaited the inauguration of President Lin­coln. Relief was not hoped for during Buchanan's admin­istration. This the conspirators well knew, and hence were prepared to resist the inauguration of an administration

 

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pledged to resist the usurpation of the slave power. The attempt to assassinate President Lincoln on his passage to the Capital failed, and his administration was duly inaugu­rated on the 4th of March, 1861.

In his inaugural address, Mr. Lincoln said:

"I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and laws, the Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins on me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully execu­ted in all the States; doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall -perform it, so far as practica­ble, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or, in some other authoritative manner, direct the contrary.

"I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose that as to the Union, I will constitu­tionally defend and maintain it. In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties on imports; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.

"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our coun­try cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and. an intercourse either amicable or hostile must continuo between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separating than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can snake laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always, and when, after much

 

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loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.

"This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary . of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dis­member or overthrow it.

"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the Status. The people themselves can do this also, if they choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor"

When Abraham Lincoln, by virtue of his constitutional election, assumed the administration of the government of the United States, he found all the offices at Washington administered by appointees of the preceding administration, which was notoriously under the control of the conspirators. The heads of Departments, the chiefs of Bureaus, clerks and messengers, with few exceptions, were unreliable, and could not, with safety to the government, be retained in office. The city of Washington was threatened with attack from the rebels in the ,South, when at the same time it was liter­ally swarming with spies and assassins who would inform, and co-operate with, the enemy without.

On the 18th of February, Joseph Molt, a distinguished and patriotic citizen of Kentucky, into whose hands the portfolio of the War Department `vas entrusted on the re­tirement of the traitor Floyd, addressed a letter to President Buchanan, in reply to a resolution of the House, inquiring into the state of the defences of the city of Washington. The following extract from that letter describes the condi­tion of affairs at the time of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration:

"The overthrow of the Federal authority has not only been sudden and widespread, but has been marked by ex-

 

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cesses which have alarmed all, and been sources of profound humiliation to a large portion of the American people. Its history is a history of surprises, and treacheries, and ruth­less spoliations. The forts of the United States have been captured and garrisoned, and hostile flags unfurled upon their ramparts. Its arsenals have been seized, and the vast amount of public arms they contained appropriated to the use of the captors, while more than half a million of dollars, found in the Mint at New Orleans, have been unscrupulously applied to replenish the coffers of Louisiana. Officers in command of revenue cutters of the United States, have beenprevailed on to violate their trusts, and surrender the pro­perty in their charge; and instead of being branded for their crimes, they, and the vessels they betrayed, have been cordially received into the service of the seceded States.

"At what time the armed occupation of Washington City became a part of the revolutionary programme, is not certainly known; more than six weeks ago, the impression had already extensively obtained, that a conspiracy for the accomplishment of this guilty purpose was in process of formation, if not fully matured. The earnest endeavors made by men known to be devoted to the revolution, to hurry Virginia and Maryland out of the Union, were regarded as

preparatory steps for the subjugation of Washington.

"The nature and power of the testimony thus accumulated may be best estimated by the effect produced upon the popular mind. Apprehensions for the safety of the capitol were communicated from points near and remote, by men

unquestionably reliable and loyal. The resident population became disquieted, and the repose of many families in the city was known to be disturbed by painful anxieties. Mem­bers of Congress, too, men of calm and comprehensive views, and of undoubted fidelity to their country, frankly expressed their solicitude to the President and to this department, and

formally insisted that the defences of the capitol should be strengthened. With such warnings, it could not be forgotten that, had the early admonitions which reached here in regard

 

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to the designs of lawless men upon the forts of Charleston harbor, been acted on by sending forward adequate re­inforcements before the revolution began, the disastrous political complications that ensued might not have occurred.

"Impressed by these circumstances and considerations, I earnestly besought you to allow the concentration at this city of a sufficient military force, to preserve the public peace from all the dangers that seemed to threaten it. An open manifestation on the part of the administration of a determination, as well as of the ability to maintain the laws, would, I was convinced, prove the surest as also the most pacific means of baffling and dissolving any conspiracy that might have been organized. It was believed, too, that the highest and most solemn responsibility resting upon a Pre­sident withdrawing from the government was, to secure to his successor a peaceful inauguration"

The words of this address were the first official declaration to the world, that the government .would, if necessary, em­ploy force to defend the Constitution and enforce the laws of the nation. The rebels now gave up all hopes of peaceful separation. The government was now pledged to the loyal people, to use force to hold, occupy and possess the public property and collect the lawful duties and imports. The conspirators in this, the declared purpose of the new admin­istration, had but two alternatives: either they must sur­render the forts, arsenals, mints, custom houses, vessels and other public property, and acknowledge their ordinances of secession to be void, or they must defend them with armed force. Nothing was more foreign to the purposes of the self-­constituted officers of the conspiracy, than submission to the authority of Mr. Lincoln's administration. They chose the terrible alternative of civil war.

The leaders felt the necessity of arousing the people and of creating a popular furor in favor of the Confederacy. They resolved to take the initiative in open hostilities, and by storming some weakly garrisoned fort, and hoisting the Confederate banner on the proud place, honored by the flag

 

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of the nation, "fire the heart of the South," and amid excite­ment and confusion. create an army that would be able suc­cessfully to resist the small standing army of the Union. It was supposed that the South, once committed to war, would be compelled by pride to support the leaders, and continue the conflict. Every possible preparation was made, with all the expedition the facilities at their command would admit of, for an attack on Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor. Fortifications were erected on the islands opposite the fort, iron-clad batteries were constructed in every available posi­tion on shore, and formidable engines of war floated in the harbor. To man these and to defend the city they had collected at Charleston an army of ten thousand men.

On the 11th of April, the rebels sent a demand to the United States garrison to surrender. Major Robert Ander­son replied that " his sense of honor and his obligation to the government would prevent his compliance." He, how­ever, at the same time, informed them that the garrison were nearly starved out, and if no supplies reached them before the 15th, they would be compelled to surrender.

A peaceful surrender would not accomplish the purposes of the rebel leaders, and hence, at half past four o'clock on the morning of the 12th of April, the rebels, commanded by General Beauregard, opened fire upon Fort Sumter and the flag of the United States, and thus inaugurated a civil war, which was to cost more than two hundred thousand lives, to distress and impoverish countless families, to imperil the existence of free institutions, and to subvert the doctrine of republican governments. This outrage upon our country's fiaa was received throughout the rebellious States with all the demonstrations of pride and joy. The conduct of the last administration at Washington had brought the people in the South to look upon the government with contempt, and they had no apprehensions that it would now manifest suffi­cient vitality to attempt to punish their treason.

The action of the rebels at Charleston was telegraphed throughout the States, and when the people heard that Fort

 

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Sumter had been captured, after two days' bombardment, and that the national flag had been. hauled down to make room for the banner of traitors, the land was filled with patriotic indignation. The uprising at the North was such as the world never witnessed before. Up to the day of the attack on Sumter, there were few men in the North who believed the rebels would commence civil war. The threats and bluster of the Southern politicians were regarded as a more violent repetition of similar demonstrations in the past. As the news of the insult to the national dignity, of the battle and of the capture of the fort by the rebels was flashed along the wires and radiated from every station, excitement, unparalleled in the history of the world, pervaded every city, hamlet and fireside. Party distinctions were forgotten, and a united people thought only of the public peril and of means to defend the government.

On the 15th of April, President Lincoln issued a procla­mation, calling out '15,000 volunteers, to serve during a terra of three months, and at the same time summoned Congress to convene in extra session on the 4th of July. Never, perhaps, were a people found less prepared for war, than were the people of the Northern States, yet the response to this call for troops was prompt and-cordial. Four days after the date of the call, troops from States remote from the capital were already thronging its streets, and the War Department was overwhelmed with men anxious to serve in defence of their country.

The President had exercised, in the organization of his administration, a wise and liberal judgment. William II. Seward, of New York, was appointed Secretary of State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster-General ; Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney-General; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the Interior.

Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, thus describes the

 

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condition  his department when he entered upon his duties: "Upon my appointment to the position, I found the department destitute of all means of defence; without guns and with little prospect of purchasing the material of war. I found the nation without any army, and I found scarcely a man throughout the whole War Department in whom I could put my trust. The Adjutant-General deserted. The Quartermaster-General ran oil: The Commissary-General was on his death-bed. More than half the clerks were disloyal." This was the condition of the War Department little more than a month before '15,000 troops were called into the field, and the capital of the nation menaced by a well organized army.

Immediately after the capture of Sumter, Jefferson Davis, the proclaimed head of the conspirators, issued a proclama­tion, authorizing privateers to be fitted out in all the ports of the South, to prey upon the commerce of the United States. Against these piratical vessels, the vast merchant marine of the United States was utterly defenceless. Treach­ery had dismantled .and dispersed the fleet, and there were no convoys to guard the merchantmen. As a protection against the rebel privateers, the President, on the 19th of April, announced the blockade of all the ports in the seceded States. At the same time, the Secretary of the Navy put forth all the strength of his department to create a navy, and in less than three months, over three hundred vessels of war were in active service.

Encouraged by the successful attack on Sumter, the rebels -prepared to make a desperate effort to gain possession of Washington before the North could gather forces for its defence. A plot was formed for the capture of the city, by a conspiracy of Virginians with prominent secessionists in Washington, leagued with traitors of influence and wealth in Baltimore. The Virginians, to the number of about three thousand, were to seize the arsenal at Harper's Ferry, which contained twenty-five thousand stand of arms, and thus supply themselves with weapons and ammunition. They

 

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were then to make a rapid descent on Washington, and marching into the streets of the city, they would be joined by organized bands of traitors, armed to the teeth and ready to receive them. In the midst of the terror and confusion created by the sudden assault from without and from within, the conspirators would seize on some of the most important public buildings and convert them into fortresses, from whence they could command the city until the arrival of reinforcements from Richmond. In the meantime, the con­spirators in Baltimore were to cut off all communication with the North, by burning bridges, tearing up railroads, and cutting the telegraph. Should troops attempt to march through Baltimore to the defence of the capital, armed mobs were to attack them in the streets, and impede their pro­gress until Washington could be strongly garrisoned by reinforcements.

The government were made acquainted with this plot just in time to thwart it and save the city. Gen. Scott quietly took possession of the capital, behind whose massive walls a few trusty soldiers could maintain a desperate defence. A party of three hundred men, commanded by General James Lane, of Kansas, bivouacked in the East Room of the White House; and the " CASSIUS M. CLAY BATTALION" patrolled the streets at night and guarded the public buildings. The very limited means left at the disposal of the Secretary of War, were used to the best possible advantage to guard against a surprise. The Long Bridge across the Potomac was patrolled by a detachment of dragoons; and a battery of light artillery was placed at the end of the bridge, on the Washington side.

Lieutenant Jones of the United States army, with a garri­son of forty-three men, held Harper's Ferry. On the 19th of April, at ten o'clock in the night, he received reliable information that three thousand Virginians, despatched by Governor Letcher, were within two hours march of Harper's Ferry, approaching from Winchester, and that three hun­dred troops from Hallstown were within half a mile of the

 

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arsenal. The little band of defenders had heroically prepared to blow up the arsenal and destroy the arms and ammuni­tion should they find the enemy approaching in overpower­ing numbers. Accordingly, when convinced that over three thousand men were about descending on the garrison, Lieutenant Jones ordered the torch to be applied, and, in a few minutes, all the buildings of the army were in flames. The garrison retired in safety across the river. The seces­sionists at Harper's Ferry made every effort to extinguish the flames and save the munitions of war for their approach­ing friends. Failing to obtain the government property, in a burst of rage they rushed across the river to pursue the heroic band, whose loyalty had defeated their attempt to appropriate the arms of the government, and firing upon them, succeeded in killing three of their number. At day­light next morning about five thousand Virginia troops were holding the important post.

This action on the part of the Virginians took place while that State was still nominally in the Union. For, though a convention in secret conclave had passed an ordi­nance of secession, it was kept a profound secret from the community, in order that plans, not yet matured, might be adopted for seizing Fortress Monroe, the Gosport Navy Yard, and the arsenal at Harper's Ferry.

On the night of the 16th of April, by order of Governor Letcher, a large number of boats laden with stones were sunk in the mouth of James river, in order to prevent the passage out of the large ships lying in the harbor. Imme­diate arrangements were made to seize the navy, yard. Many of the petty officers in the yard were traitors, and labored to baffle the efforts of loyal men to protect the public property. On the 18th, many of the naval officers resigned their commissions, and passed over to the rebel service, surrendering to the enemy, as far as was in their power, the most extensive and important naval station in America. The history of the world will scarcely show, among civilized men, any act of dishonor so flagrant.

 

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It was now evident that the yard, with its immense stores of materials, could not be preserved. Not a moment was to be lost. On the 21st of April, at seven o'clock in the even­ing, the steamship Pawnee left Fortress Monroe with six thousand men on board to aid in the destruction of the yard and to bring oft' the loyal men. The steamer reached Gosport at nine o'clock. The crews of the Cumberland and the Pennsylvania received their deliverers with hearty ap­plause. The Pawnee made fast to the dock, landed the troops, and seized all the gates of the yard that no foes could enter. All that could possibly be removed was placed on board the vessels to the extent of their capacity. Everything that could not be removed and that could prove valuable to the rebels was destroyed. Shot, shell, carbines, stands of arms, revolvers, were thrown overboard from the vessels that could not be towed over the obstructions. Nearly three thousand heavy guns, splendid Columbiads and Dahlgrens, were spiked.

At midnight, when the light of the moon had gone out, the barracks were set on fire, and the crackling flames, leap­ing from basement  roof, illumined the scene with a fear­ful glare. The trains were laid and the matchcs prepared to set on fire houses, shops, ships, everything that would burn. At four o'clock the torch was applied, and in less than half an hour the whole yard was enveloped in flames. Thus were the labors of half a century lost in an hour.

The traitors in Baltimore acted promptly with their friends in Virginia. They tore up the railroad through the streets, and resisted the passage of Northern troops through the city. As the troops from Massachusetts, on the 19th of April, were marching through Baltimore on their way to Washington, they were hideously beset by an armed mob bearing a secession flag. They were assailed from behind street corners, from doors, windows and housetops, by men armed with pistols, guns, stones, clubs, and all the imple­ments of savage warfare. A Pennsylvania regiment was preparing to follow the Massachusetts troops in cars. They

 

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were unarmed, and it was deemed imprudent to attempt to cross the city. The men were therefore returned to Phila­delphia. The secessionists had thus effectually obstructed the passage of troops to the national capital over the only direct and expeditious route. For a time, troops were for­warded through Annapolis and up the Potomac river. Bal­timore was for the time in the possession of the secessionists. It was determined, however, that the soldiers from the North should fight their way through every obstruction. As soon, therefore, as Washington was safe, United States volunteers were ordered to march by the direct route to their capital, through the streets of Baltimore, or over the grounds where the city once stood.