24
Meandering with Meade
225
Real fighting in the Eastern theater
in 1863 virtually came to an end after Gettysburg, although the year was but half gone. It
was not so in the West. Over the South's feeble railroads, most of Longstreet's First
Corps was sent to bolster Braxton Bragg fighting Northern General William S. Rosecrans
in Tennessee. After the Union defeat at Chickamauga in mid-September, the North made a
much larger troop transfer to the Western theater. Also moving by rail, the Eleventh and
Twelfth Corps of the Army of the Potomac were sent to Tennessee by a roundabout route in
one of the greatest troop movements of the war.
Meanwhile, as a warm September turned
into a bracing October, the two armies in Virginia, it almost seemed, grew a bit tired of
merely watching each other. About the 7th, Lee's Army started to move north. Meade,
fearing some kind of a flanking movement, began to fall back along interior lines in the
general direction of Centreville. On the 14th the Pennsylvania Reserves just missed a
fight along Broad Run near Bristoe Station. The Reserves, with McCandless in temporary
command, were marching on a route parallel with that of the Second Corps, which also had a
temporary commander, General Warren, of Round Top fame.
The Pennsylvania division had crossed
Broad Run, but the Second Corps was still south of it. The Confederate A. P.
226
Hill, with
his old Mechanicsville impetuosity again rampant, thought he had an opportunity to push
the Federals. With visions of chasing bluecoats in a manner reminiscent of Bull Run days,
the Confederate Third Corps commander ordered a charge. He failed to take into
consideration Warren's soldiers hidden in a railroad cut. Lee called the result a
disaster. It was a fine victory for the Second Corps under Warren, who was new to field
command. The Reserves, on the far side of Broad Run, had had to duck some artillery fire.
They were ordered back across the stream to support the Second Corps. However, that corps
had things well in hand. The Rebels had scrambled back, but there were many prisoners to
be gathered in.[1]
Though the Bucktails saw practically
no fighting while Lee was bluffing Meade in the mid-October maneuvers, they did come in
for a good bit of marching. Their regimental historians did their best to record the
meanderings of the outfit during those days that the bold Lee was playing tag with the
cautious Meade. Almost daily marches were made, some over twenty miles, from the
Rappahannock to Fairfax (where they had spent some months earlier that year) and then back
to the Rappahannock by November 7. One night the Reserves had bivouacked on the old Bull
Run field. One man later wrote of that night: "and we laid down and slept among the
bones of our comrades."[2]
With the Reserves on the fringes of
the fighting only, a part of Lee's Army still north of the Rappahannock was thrown back
across at Rappahannock Station and Kelly's Ford. The Bucktails, the Second Reserves, and
some of the other outfits ensconced themselves in snug log huts with shingled roofs, which
the Rebels had built for the approaching winter. With the chilly rains of November
beginning, the men were hoping that they could spend some time in
227
their
comfortable Rebel-built quarters.[3] In this they were ''doomed to
disappointment. Official Washington had not been pleased with Meade's accomplishments of
the fall. Neither had Meade. He would make one more try before winter set in.
The Army of the Potomac lay generally
northeast of Culpeper between the Rappahannock and the Rapidan. Lee's camps were to the
south around Orange. Meade proposed to cross the lower Rapidan at some unguarded fords,
plunge through the rough, thickly-wooded country known as the Wilderness, and reach two
parallel roads running west toward Orange .[4] While the Reserves did not
know these roads, the Orange Turnpike and the Orange Plank Road, the names must have been
well-remembered by many a Northern soldier who had fought at Chancellorsville the May
before.
The Fifth Corps was to cross the
river at Culpeper Ford. The Reserves started out on the chilly, gray morning of November
24, with Crawford back at their head. Rain soon started to fall, the road turned salvy,
and the men were drenched. About 9 A.M. orders came from Sykes to turn back to camp. Two
days later they tried again, when the entire Army was set in motion. This time the weather
was better. At the ford, Crawford had to wait about three hours, while
the
engineers completed the laying of the pontoons. Around noon the Bucktails led the Reserves
across the bridge over the Rapidan.[5]
Upstream the Second and Third Corps
were being held up in their crossing. Sykes was ordered to detain the Fifth until the two
other corps were over. It was three o'clock before the march was finally resumed. That
night the Reserves bivouacked near the Orange Plank Road. Early the next morning Sykes
pushed his entire corps west along the plank
228
road, and by
nine o'clock had reached a little place called Parker's Store. Beyond this hamlet the
Union cavalry division of General David Gregg was skirmishing with troopers in gray.
Fighting dismounted, which was the only way it could be done in the dense thickets, Gregg
drove the enemy horsemen as far as New Hope Church. Here Rebel infantry was spotted. It
appeared time for the Union foot soldiers to take over. As soon as Sykes threw out some
skirmishers things quieted down.
The Second and Third Corps were still
having their difficulties, this time in making a junction along the Orange Turnpike, to
the right of the Fifth. Meade ordered Sykes to stay any advance, so the corps settled down
for another night in the bleak, thick woods. Sometime that night a courier came from the
commanding general. The Fifth Corps now had orders to move to the right on a little
cross-road which would bring it out on the turnpike to a place known as Robertson's
Tavern. It was near there that Meade had decided to concentrate. When morning came, Sykes
marched his men.[6]
West of Robertson's Tavern was Mine
Run, a stream that had worn a little hollow in the rough land as it flowed north into the
Rapidan. West of Mine Run was the Southern Army (both Ewell's and Hill's Corps), digging
in behind the stream, which itself was somewhat of an obstacle. Warren's Second and
Sedgwick's Sixth Corps were facing the Confederates on the opposite side of the run. At
the urging of Warren, a plan was devised for the Second Corps, with reinforcements from
the Sixth, to move to the Union left and try a flank attack. When the Second moved out,
the Fifth took its place beside the Sixth Corps. Sedgwick was to have command of Sykes'
men as well as his own. Reconnaissance had convinced Sedgwick that Lee's extreme left,
where there were fewer earthworks and slashings, might also be turned.
229
So the plan
for November 30 was a simultaneous attack on both
Southern flanks.
The last day of November early gave
promise of sunshine. Sykes wrote that his troops were in high spirits, as they braced
themselves for the attack that clear, cool morning. There was the animation of corps
rivalry as the Fifth and Sixth waited expectantly for the work to begin. Promptly at 8
A.M. six Union batteries opened. H-hour was one hour later. As the guns boomed, the
minutes ticked away. Just before nine, the field telegraph began to click. It sputtered
out an order to suspend the attack. The Union guns fell silent. So did the gray guns
opposite. The men of the two Yankee corps spent the day waiting, while Lee altered his
lines in accordance with what he had learned from the direction of the Federal fire.[7]
What had happened was that over on the Union left, Warren had found the Confederate
positions too strong to assault. Warren had also had the courage to call off the attack.
This he reported to Meade. As Warren's was to have been the main attack, the commanding
general had held up the other corps, after he received the discouraging but forthright
message from the Second Corps chief.
By nightfall Lee's left was just as
formidable as Warren had found his right that morning. The opportunity was gone. The
campaign was as good as over. A fiasco, they called it.
The early morning of November 30 had
been one of promise, with a red sun rising in the east. As if to reflect the changed
spirits of the men, it turned colder that night. The next day dawned gray and freezing.
After remaining in their rifle pits all day, late in the afternoon the Bucktails were
withdrawn. Moving to the rear, a company at a time, rifles
230
trailing,
the shivering men at last could build a fire. With the twilight, came orders to head back
to the Rapidan.[8]
While the Mine Run episode had
accomplished nothing, the men could take some comfort in the fact that it had not been
costly in casualties. The Reserves lost two killed, seven wounded, and two missing. One
Bucktail was wounded.[9]
As they recrossed the Rapidan, some of the Reserves might have thought of another December
night when they had trudged back over another Virginia river. That time after
Fredericksburg they had been bitter over a battle that had gone bad. This time there
probably was little bitterness. This time there had been no tough fighting, just long
useless marching and laying around in the damp cold without fires. The men had been in the
Army of the Potomac too long to expect anything different.
The Bucktails and all the other
little outfits tried to forget about the Mine Run business in their speculating as to
where they would hole up for the winter. Topside it was not quite so easy to forget. Meade
chose to put the blame for the Union failure on General William H. French, the new
commander of the Third Corps. French had been tardy in getting his troops into
position. Meade claimed that if the Third Corps had not held things up, he could have hit
Lee before the Southern commander could have dug in at a place as formidable as Mine Run
had turned out to be.[10]
In the Reserves, year's end would see the Eleventh Regiment attached formally to the
First Brigade with which it had marched and fought since Gettysburg. The Second Brigade
never had been returned to the division. Crawford's Division consisted of nine little
infantry regiments and six batteries of artillery.The Bucktails still had 380 present for
duty. Many of the wounded, who had managed to survive, were unable to return to duty.
Lieutenant Colonel Niles
231
tried it and
failed. After attempting to recuperate from his Gettysburg wound, Niles rejoined the
regiment. He was
troubled so
much by the injury that Major Hartshorne held the
active command. Niles would soon have to resign because his leg was not good enough for
soldiering any more. [11]
For the most part the men of the
First Rifles were what was left of the
original outfit. There had been few replacements in spite of efforts to recruit during the
second year of the war. Bounty men and substitutes, now coming into the Army in quite
large numbers, were practically unknown to the Reserves. So about the only changes one
could observe in the Bucktail ranks that third winter of the war were in the men
themselves. Nearly three years and many battles after the spring of '61, the men were
older and wiser. Older and wiser enough to give short shrift to the efforts being made to
get them to join up for another hitch, as the end of their term of enlistment approached.
At least that was the way the men were thinking that winter of 1863-64, when promises of a
month's furlough at home and a roll of greenbacks were dangled in front of them as a
reward for re-enlisting. But a few months later many would change their minds.[12]
Governor Curtin, fresh from his
election victory, and probably not unmindful of the part the Pennsylvania soldiers had
played in bringing it about, did not forget the Reserves. As a part of a plan to change
the method of obtaining new soldiers from his state, Curtin included a suggestion for
filling up the Reserve Corps. Let a brigade at a time be sent back to Pennsylvania to be
recruited under the direction of the governor, Curtin proposed to Lincoln. James B. Fry,
provost marshal general, could not go along with this suggestion. While much of the
Pennsylvania governor's new plan was adopted, Andy Curtin's last attempt to fill the ranks
of his favorite division was unsuccessful.[13] The Reserves would
232
finish out
their part of the war, as they had been doing so long, with diminished ranks unfilled.
With Niles unable to do duty and soon
to be out of the war for good, young Major Hartshorne, firm-jawed, lean-faced, and
shaggy-haired, realized that he was to continue to have his work cut out for him as head
of the regiment. This did not deter him from getting a few days leave in mid-December to
take a bride. Hartshorne was back in time to lead the Bucktails to Bristoe Station and
winter quarters. The main work there was guarding a section of the Orange and Alexandria
Railroad from raids by the seemingly ever-present guerrillas.[14]
In
their camp on the south side of Broad Run located on a little knoll overlooking the
surrounding countryside, the regiment whiled away the winter days doing their routine
chores. Guard duty, especially at night, can get downright monotonous. The soldiers who
had to turn out at midnight to picket out along the O. and A. were wont to pull a few
tricks on their buddies peacefully sleeping in their little huts. It was some relief for a
lonely picket as he stood guard far up or down the track to be able to picture mentally
his coughing, cursing comrades crawling out of their warm bunks to remove the board which
he had placed over the chimney just before he left. It did not take long for a board so
placed to fill the shack with heavy wood smoke. Enough time was required, however, to
enable the chuckling soldier to be far away at his post and beyond any proof positive that
he had plugged the chimney. Another game which was always good for a little swearing or
a few chuckles depending upon whether one was inside or outside the but was a little more
difficult. A few cartridges wrapped in paper and carefully lowered down the chimney on a
string to the slacked coals below would always produce an effusion of profanity
233
from the
shack's occupants when the popping started. If the departing picket was skillful enough in
his timing he could be within range of the noise but far enough away to escape anything
more than gross suspicion.
No particularly perceptive reading
between the lines of their regimental history is required to lead one to the belief that
during this time some of the boys gave in to the old recurrent urge to forage on their
own. At least the outfit was accused of the practice, as it had been before, especially
when camp life was duller than usual. One also strongly suspects that some of the
Bucktails took advantage of other available divertissement that winter along Broad Run.
There were sutlers about in whose stores there was at times a clandestine product, which
the soldiers designated by a variety of terms: "Oh, be joyful" was one of them.
Upon occasion some ex-lumbermen from the Wildcat District must have brought some of this
merchandise, which the men had so descriptively named. Apparently the product had more
than lived up to its title, as Major Hartshorne saw fit to order all sutlers away from his
regiment's camp.
One, too, is forced to the conclusion
that certain Bucktails availed themselves of entertainment other than scrounging and
liquor. No loyal regimental historian would ever even indirectly allude to the subject,
but the faithful chroniclers of the First Rifles inadvertently referred to the camp
followers at Bristoe in such a way, that even a small amount of perspicacity leads one to
the conclusion that they had in mind camp followers of the prostitute variety. These also
came within Hartshorne's ban.[15]
Thus
the Bucktails waited out the winter and wondered how much fighting they would have to do
before the Army would let them go home for good.
[1] O. R., 29 (1), p. 222, Organization of
the Army of the Potomac; Woodward, pp. 298-299. Probably the best account of the Bristoe
Station fight is in D. S. Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York,
1944, Vol. 3, pp. 238-247. For the autumn 1863 maneuvers of the armies including the Mine
Run fiasco, here. after mentioned, see Williams, Lincoln Finds a General, Vol. 2, pp.
760-774. For Hill's attack at Bristoe Station, see William Woods Hassler, A. P. Hill, Ch.
16.
[2] T. & R., p. 282 note; Woodward, p.
299.
[3] . O. R., 51 (1), p. 1118, Sykes to
Crawford; O. R., 29 (1), pp. 576577, Sykes' Report; Agitator, November 25, 1863; Woodward,
p. 301.
[4] . O. R., 29 (1), p. 13, Meade's
Report.
[5] . O. R., 29 (1), p. 673, Organization
of the Army of the Potomac; pp. 1005-1006, Spaulding's Report; O. R., 51 (1), p. 1128,
Locke to Bartlett; T. dr R., pp. 283-284.
[6] O. R., 29 (1), p. 794, Sykes' Report.
[7] . O. R., 29 (1), p. 794, Sykes'
Report; p. 797, Sedgwick's Report: as to Warren's movement, p. 696, Warren's Report; as to
the weather on November 30, p. 698, Warren's Report.
[8] T. & R., p. 285.
[9] O. R., 29 (1), p. 683, Return of
Casualties.
[10] Ibid., pp. 14-15, Meade's Report.
[11] O. R., 29 (2), p. 604, Organization of
the Army of the Potomac; p. 559, Statement of Regiments; O. R., 29 (1), p. 673;
Organization of the Army of the Potomac; Agitator, April 20, 1864.
[12] T. & R., p. 281.
[13] O. R., Ser. III, 3, pp. 1092-1095,
Curtin to Lincoln and Fry's endorsement; p. 1099, Bomford to Fry; pp. 1101-1102, Bomford
to Fry; p. 1160, Lincoln to Curtin.
[14] T. & R., picture of Hartshorne
opposite p. 287, pp. 86 note, 286.
[15] 'Under the Maltese Cross, pp. 218-221
for the guards' tricks; Woodward, pp. 302-303; T. & R., p. 286; O. R., 33, pp.
377-379, Deveroux to Ingalls as to accusations of foraging by the Reserves; Wiley, Life of
Billy Yank, p. 253, lists some of the soldiers' names for whiskey.