23
Ballots for Bullets
217
A quarter century later some of the Reserves officers, in their flowery speeches
made at the dedication of regimental monuments at Gettysburg, referred to July 4, 1863 as
the "glorious fourth." This was merely oratory. Weather-wise, at least, it was
not glorious. By noon a drizzle had started, soon changing to a downpour. By nightfall the
defeated army of Robert E. Lee was in retreat. The victorious army of George G. Meade was
so badly beaten-up that its commander believed it should try to do no more than make
sure the retreat continued. Diminished ranks of boys in butternut trudged back toward
Maryland along the Fairfield road. The wagons and ambulances were sent bumping along over the Chambersburg road. Meade started his forces
moving by a parallel route east of the roads used by Lee.
The Bucktails with Crawford's
Division left Gettysburg on the 5th. Slow
marches over muddy roads brought the Fifth Corps near Boonsboro by the 9th. The next night
the soldiers camped at a place called
Delaware Mills. They were in familiar territory. Delaware Mills was on Antietam Creek.[1] Federal cavalry had destroyed the Confederate
pontoons. The rains had rendered the Potomac unfordable. The Southern Army was
concentrated around Williamsport with its back to the river. Crawford expected another
fight. He was trying to have the Second Brigade of the Reserves, still
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at
Alexandria, sent to him. It rained again on July 13, and that evening the Reserves were
alerted for an early morning march toward the stranded enemy. The Bucktails were on the
brigade right as flankers when Crawford next morning started the division toward
Williamsport. The Reserves' chief did not get his expected battle. The Southern Army
during the night had crossed back into Virginia. At Williamsport the Rebels had forded
the Potomac. A short distance downstream at Falling Waters they had used a bridge. The
Reserves were pushed on to Falling Waters. By the time they got there, Northern cavalry
had finished a brush with the enemy rear guard. It was all over. That night the
Bucktails bivouacked in a clover field along the Potomac.[2] For a day or so it had looked like Crawford was
right and that Meade would attack in time. The decision of a Union council of war,
however, had given Lee just enough time to make good his escape.
Just as after Antietam, the Reserves,
on a rainy July 17, crossed back into Virginia at Brunswick. For the next couple of weeks
it would be easy marches on short rations for Crawford's men as the two armies moved
south. Empty stomachs produced more than the usual amount of grousing. After three days
with scarcely any food, the Bucktails feasted on the 27th upon pork and hardtack with a
few non-government issue berries.[3] By early August Lee had
reached the vicinity of Culpeper, and the Army of the Potomac was back in familiar
territory along the Rappahannock.
There during the sultry summer days
the two armies kept an eye on each other while they rested and refitted. Gettysburg had
made the country more aware than ever of how terrible war can be. Back in the Wildcat
District the Bucktail lieutenant colonel, Alanson Niles, and Lieutenant William Taylor, of
Company E, were limping about their hometowns with their Plum Run wounds .[4]
Similar scenes were being enacted in a hundred hamlets. A casualty-conscious nation
reading about draft riots and the execution of bounty jumpers. The system of paying men to
join the army had, by the summer of 1863, given rise to a rather lucrative practice for
those culprits low enough to indulge in it. The method was simple enough. One would join
up in one town, collect bounty, and as soon as possible desert. Under another name he
would again enlist to help fill the quota of another city, collect another bounty, and
repeat the process as long as his luck held out. Drastic measures to curb this evil had
been decided upon.
On a hot August day the entire Fifth
Corps was drawn up a hillside from which every last man had a clear view of a plain below.
There, there were five open graves freshly dug out of the Virginia clay. One of the
brigade bands played a mournful dirge as five wagons, each bearing a coffin, drew into
sight. On each rough box was seated a bounty jumper whose luck had left him when he had
deserted from the Fifth Corps. The wagons halted near the open graves. The five men were
blindfolded and placed in line. After a short prayer, the rifles cracked. Before the last
of the corps had reached camp the five graves were filled and covered. The Bucktails did
not consider that they had needed this object lesson. Possibly to show their resentment,
that night more than one succeeded in finding some cheap whiskey and getting gloriously
drunk.[5]
Almost
as if to compensate for the unpleasant duty of witnessing the execution of bounty
jumpers, the Pennsylvania Reserve Corps had an enjoyable day August 28. On that pleasant
sunny afternoon the officers and men of the Reserves gave their old skipper, Major General
George G. Meade, a fine sword, together with sash and the other trap-
220
pings
customarily presented on such occasions. The men had decorated the camp with evergreens
and it presented a rather festive appearance as Governor Curtin and other dignitaries
began to assemble for the five o'clock ceremony. Under a green arbor General Crawford made
the presentation to the commanding general, who was flanked by his staff and surrounded
by a group of VIP's from Pennsylvania.
Meade made quite a little speech in
accepting the gift from his former command. He briefly reviewed their battles, and the
tribute he paid the Pennsylvania Reserves was sincere. He took especial pains to state
that as a whole they had behaved well that day at Frayser's Farm (the old McCall-Hooker
controversy just would not be forgotten). Almost as an afterthought, it seemed, the
commanding general mentioned the Reserves' work at Gettysburg. Meade's old friend,
Reynolds, came in for the highest praise. In specifically referring to a few other
officers who had fought their last battles, Meade mentioned the two Bucktail colonels,
McNeil and Taylor.
After the cheers for Meade had
finally died away, another man popular with the Pennsylvania Reserves was introduced.
Governor Andy Curtin arose and gave forth with a rousing speech before the division which,
of all the divisions in the Army of the Potomac, he considered the best. The speechmaking
over, soldiers and civilians alike turned to food. The brass and visiting dignitaries
dined in an improvised banquet hall "where was spread all the delicacies that a
refined taste and epicurian palate could suggest. "[6]
The chairman of the committee which
had so successfully planned and staged this bit of pleasantry in the midst of war was the
chief of the First Brigade, Colonel William McCandless. McCandless, a machinist turned
lawyer, had started his military career as a private in April 1861. When the Second
221
Reserves was
organized he emerged from the election a major. As lieutenant colonel he led the Second on
the Peninsula, where his conduct brought him his eagles. Wounded at Second Bull Run,
McCandless recovered in time for the fighting at Fredericksburg. In the spring of '63 he
had been been the First Brigade of the Reserves. He was fast becoming a good combat
officer, one of what was now becoming quite a long line of Philadelphia lawyers to lead
Wildcat lumbermen in battle.[7]
That day when Governor Curtin
delivered his oration to the Pennsylvania Reserves he very probably was thinking
The Pennsylvania Democrats did not
nominate a War Democrat. Their failure to do so brought Curtin into the race. The
Democrats' choice of a nominee plus the governor's popularity with the Pennsylvania
soldiery in turn
222
brought the
boys in blue from the Keystone State into the fall political campaign.[8]
The Democratic nominee was George W.
Woodward, a Pennsylvania Supreme Court justice. He was very much a states' rights man.
What was more important there were those who called him a secessionist and Copperhead.
Justice Woodward, from his high court bench, would soon hand down some decisions which his
enemies would construe as proof that he was not wholeheartedly behind the war effort.
Already he had rendered an opinion which aroused the ire of many a Pennsylvania soldier.
After it had been upheld by a lower court, upon appeal, the Democratic nominee had
invalidated an old Pennsylvania law which had permitted soldiers in the field to vote.
Woodward's multi-page opinion was technically sound, and only one justice dissented. This
made no difference to the Pennsylvania soldiers, who very naturally were not concerned
with the legal niceties. Then too, Curtin's supporters had played it smart. The
convention which re-nominated the governor had also adopted a platform containing a
plank advocating a state constitutional amendment granting soldiers in the field the
right to vote.[9]
While the business of the soldiers
voting in the field had stirred up the men against Woodward, the Pennsylvania troops, most
certainly the Reserves, would have been for Curtin anyway. Andy Curtin had become known as
"the soldiers' friend," and deservedly so. From the beginning of the war he had
spared no pains to support the Pennsylvania soldiers. He answered their letters. He paid
many visits to the camps. He was frequently arguing with Washington on their behalf. His
particular fondness for the Reserves was appreciated and reciprocated by the men.
Temporarily disenfranchised
themselves, they turned to
223
the
homefront on behalf of "the soldier's friend."[10] The Wildcats were among Curtin's strongest
supporters. Every man had a father, an older brother, or a few friends back home who would
be glad to give Andy a vote if it would help
At the last moment an attempt was
made to inject some McClellan influence into the campaign on behalf of Woodward. The
soldiers had seen too much war. "Little Mac" had once meant much to them, but
now they realized that something more was needed to win the conflict than the dash and
Jingle of a popular general. Lieutenant Colonel Niles probably correctly stated the
feelings of his men concerning the "McClellan angle in a letter to his hometown
paper. He admitted that McClellan had once been a great idol of the Army. He hastened to
add that the men of the First Rifles, as
well as the
officers, now agreed that "Little Mac" should have been removed. In so far as
anything with regard to McClellan and the Pennsylvania governor contest was concerned,
the men wanted no part of it, Niles said. Then the Bucktail
224
The
election, held October 13, turned out to be a sound victory for Curtin. The Wildcat
District voted solidly for "the soldiers' friend." A few of the Bucktails made
it home to vote. One little hamlet was almost as strong for Curtin as the First Rifles.
There the governor captured seventy-nine out of the eighty-one votes cast.[13]
The Pennsylvania soldiers and their
folks back home who supported Curtin in the election of 1863 did so because they felt that
it would help to hasten a Union victory. Little did they realize that they were also
helping to put an end to certain concepts of government. The nation, born of
revolution, was now growing up. Before its adolescence could be completed, another armed
conflict had been necessary. The war was putting an end to the doctrine of states' rights
as it had been held by many in the past. The soldiers on the battle fields were bringing
this about, most of them without knowing it. Without knowing it, the Pennsylvania
voters, by electing the Republican Curtin over the Democrat Woodward, had helped to seal
the doom of the old states' rights idea.
The governmental concepts which had
become part and parcel of the judicial thinking of justice George W. Woodward and
subscribed to by many good Americans were being rapidly replaced. That was one of the
reasons he had been defeated. Within the next few weeks Woodward would have an opportunity
to assert his outmoded legal philosophy. Almost in defiance of the changes in governmental
doctrine wrought by war, justice Woodward, in his cloistered chambers, penned a long
opinion. It was in support of his decision invalidating the draft law as it applied to
members of the state militia.[14]
[1] . O. R., 27 (1), pp. 145-147,
Itinerary of the Army of the Potomac.
[2] O. R., 27 (3), p. 563, Crawford to
Williams; Woodward, p. 281.
[3] Woodward, pp. 282-286; T. & R.,
278.
[4] Agitator, July 15,1863.
[5] Woodward, p. 295; T. & R., p. 279.
[6] . Sypher, pp. 490-494; Woodward, pp.
289-295 quotation from p. 295.
[7] . Sypher, p. 526.
[8] Hesseltine, Lincoln and the War
Governors, pp. 326-328; McClure, Lincoln and Men of War-Times, pp. 261-265.
[9] Horace Greeley, The American
.Conflict, National Tribune, Washington, 1898, Vol. 2, pp. 508-509; Agitator, August 26,
September 23, 1863; Hesseltine, Lincoln and the War Governors, p. 328; Opinion of the
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, May 22, 1862, in Chase vs. Miller, Penna. State Reports,
Kay & Bro., Philadelphia, 1863, Vol. 41, pp. 403-429.
[10] A. K. McClure, Old Time Notes of
Pennsylvania, John C. Winston Co., Philadelphia, 1905, Vol. 2, pp. 56-58; Hesseltine,
Lincoln and the War Governors, p. 344; McClure, Lincoln and Men of War-Times, pp. 262-266.
[11] Agitator, September 23, 30, October 7,
1863; Potter Journal, September 23, 1863.
[12] . Greeley, "The American
Conflict," Vol. 2, p. 509; Hesseltine, Lincoln and the War Governors, p. 344;
Agitator, October 14, 1863, which carried the Niles letter.
[13] . Agitator, October 21, 1863; Potter
Journal, November 4, 1863.
[14] . Opinion of the Supreme Court of
Pennsylvania, November 9, 1863, in Kneedler, et al. vs. Lane, et al., Penna. State
Reports. Vol. 45, pp. 252-263.