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The unsophisticated America of 1861
raised its armies and to some extent officered them in a manner which, a century later, it
would be difficult for Americans to comprehend. If a young country lawyer in the Wildcat
District of Pennsylvania decided that he would like to have a try at becoming an officer,
his position of leadership in the community was of considerable help toward this end. It
was just a matter of persuading a hundred or so eager young lumbermen and farm boys that
he would make a good captain and that they should join the company he was organizing. In
1861 this was not difficult for any popular young fellow to do.
Army commissions had an appeal not
only to backwoods lawyers and other small fry. They were something to be desired by the
higher-ups. Captaincies were all right for those in the lower brackets of influence, but
if one had already moved a few rungs up the ladder of political preferment, a star on the
shoulder straps was not beyond one's grasp. After the experience of two world wars it all
sounds somewhat haphazard and rather inefficient, but that was the way it could be done
when Lincoln was trying to raise his first armies. More than one political personage
talked himself into a general's commission. Of course the talk had to be backed up with
recruits, votes, or some other good political
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commodity.
In some cases the newly created civilian generals obtained their commissions from
motives of pure patriotism. Others probably wanted to join the brass and come by a
military record for purposes of the next political campaign. A mixture of the two
motives could have been the case here and there. Thus the country was introduced to what
came to be called political generals.
None of the political generals was
more colorful and perhaps more militarily controversial than Daniel E. Sickles. A New
York Tammany man, Sickles had made rapid strides politically. Then he killed his wife's
paramour. Although he was acquitted of murder on the plea of the unwritten law, the whole
business put Sickles' career into temporary eclipse. The war gave him another chance.
Sickles raised a whole brigade of New York volunteers and even financed them for a time.
He finally got his men into the Federal Army and a general's commission for himself.
Sickles always thought that he
contributed much toward the winning of the Battle of Gettysburg. There are some today who
may agree. There have always been many who think that he almost caused the North to lose
the battle.[1]
Since the small, but rather important part which the Bucktails and the other Reserves
played in that three-day dreadful drama was brought about by what Dan Sickles did in his
role, he has been introduced as the first character of the piece.
On that second day at Gettysburg
Major General Daniel E. Sickles, in command of the Third Corps, had been ordered to hold
the southern end of the Federal line. This was the spot where the ridge seemed to run out
and the ground was low. Dan Sickles did not like the position. A half mile ahead along the
Emmitsburg Road which swung southwest was a peach orchard. Sickles conceived the idea of
advancing
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his corps to
this higher ground. He would then extend his line back to the southeast down a slight
slope through a field of wheat. From there the line would continue still southeast through
a rugged, wooded hill, a maze of huge boulders, called Devil's Den. The Third Corps
commander, after what he had seen take place at Chancellorsville, was afraid of a
Confederate flanking movement. He was certain if this came that the Rebels would use the
peach orchard and Devil's Den as points from which to drive the attack home. Sickles asked
Meade for permission to advance his corps. Meade peremptorily refused. After a
reconnaissance disclosed that the woods on the western side of the Emmitsburg Road were
full of Southern soldiers, Sickles started his corps ahead anyway. As it turned out there
were not enough men in the Third Corps to fill the long line from the Emmitsburg Road back
to Devil's Den. Sickles' left was hanging in the air. Even the cavalry, for some reason,
had been withdrawn. Then, too, there was a wide gap on the right between the Third and the
Second Corps of Winfield Scott Hancock on the Cemetery Ridge line.[2]
At last about 4 P.m., Meade, leaving
a conference of corps commanders, rode out to see if what he had heard about Sickles was
true. About the time Meade reached the advance position Confederate James Longstreet's
guns started a barrage into the left of the Third Corps line. Meade decided it was too
late to move back. Sickles must stay there and fight. Meade dashed back and told Sykes to
get his Fifth Corps in position to help the Third. It was going to need it.
Devil's Den was about due west of
Little Round Top. Between the Round Tops and the Den was a little boulderstrewn valley. A
small stream known as Plum Run meandered .around the rocks and scrubby trees of the marshy
valley bottom. While the Confederate artillery was pound-
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ing the
southern prong of Sickles' V-shaped line, soldiers of General John B. Hood were
approaching the thinly held Devil's Den and the valley of Plum Run. They were on their way
to Little Round Top. Strangely enough on Little Round Top there were only a few Northern
signal men, and they were getting ready to leave. Right then Meade's chief engineer,
General G. K. Warren, carved his niche in American military history. Warren recognized
that Little Round Top was the key to the whole Union line. If the Rebels got that hill it
might be a sad day indeed for Northern arms. Sykes had a part of his corps now moving up
in accordance with Meade's order to succor Sickles. At Warren's request, he sent Colonel
Strong Vincent's Brigade clambering up through the rocks and stubby trees of Little Round
Top. They reached the crest just in time.
Vincent's men fought magnificently,
charging down the hill right into the oncoming Confederates. Vincent was killed, and it
became apparent that there were just too many yelling Rebels for the little brigade to
hold back. In some way Warren had got a battery to the top of the hill. Now he looked
around for more infantry. Ignoring the niceties of military protocol he ordered another
brigade of Sykes' Corps (Stephen H. Weed's Brigade, Ayres' Division) onto Little Round
Top. Once again it was just in time.
From the peach orchard through the
wheatfield and on to Devil's Den the Federal line was going to pieces. Longstreet, after a
slow start, was throwing men in all along the line. The attacks were disjointed, but they
worked. Of the Fifth Corps, Sykes had had a brigade from each of Barnes' and Ayres'
Divisions diverted to Little Round Top for the very necessary work there. The Fifth Corps
commander sent Barnes' two remaining brigades along a little cross-road running west,
north of Little Round Top. This road skirted the
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north side
of the wheatfield and went on to the peach orchard. Barnes put his men in along the
sagging Union line between those two never-to-be-forgotten landmarks.
Ayres had two brigades left, and good
ones they were, composed of ten regiments of regulars. Shortly these regiments and a
division from Hancock's Second Corps were thrown into the wheatfield sector. Things seemed
better for a time. Union artillery placed along the little cross-road slugged it out with
Southern batteries beyond the wheatfield.
Then in from the west across the
Emmitsburg Road came the Mississippi division of General William Barksdale. The peach
orchard salient, now hit from all sides, was gone. Both sides of Sickles' V had to fall
back. As the infantry started a dogged rearward movement, the guns along the cross-road,
which had been belching flame for so long, were limbered up and hustled back down the road
across Plum Run. On the east side of the creek they were again put into action to try to
buy a little time until reinforcements could be brought up. As the boys in butternut
pushed the blue-clad soldiers back through the heat of the early evening, Dan Sickles was
carried back with a bad leg wound.
Near where the Baltimore Pike crossed
Rock Creek, well behind the front, the Pennsylvania Reserves spent the sultry afternoon.
They heard Longstreet's guns finally announce the beginning of the battle. Soon the
Reserves saw Barnes' First Division move out. Shortly after, the Second Division of Ayres'
started forward. At last General Crawford gave the word, and the two brigades filed out
through a little woods into a country lane toward the sound of battle billowing back
toward them from over the ridges ahead. It started out as a nice, neat country road, one
that any Bucktail would enjoy walking under more pleasant circumstances. The
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scene soon
changed. The men began to meet walking wounded, plodding their weary way to the rear. A
little farther on a train of ambulances clogged the narrow road, and Crawford's soldiers
had to take to the fields on either side to let them jolt by. At last the column came out
on the Taneytown Road. Ahead was Little Round Top. With the Third Brigade in the lead, the
Reserves started up the rocky, brushy ridge on the northern side. More wounded were all
but falling down the slope as the fresh soldiers clambered up.[3]
The Third Brigade finally reached the
crest of the ridge. The men looked out across the little Plum Run Valley toward Devil's
Den and the slope north of it. The sun, starting to lower toward the blue mountains in the
west, was like a dull red ball of fire. The valley was filled with sullen retreating
soldiers and disabled batteries falling back. Shot and shell were screaming over from
unseen cannon in the woods beyond. On the crest of Little Round Top that gallant little
Union battery, its captain killed, was still putting up a fight. Northern guns along the
near side of the marshy stream and others off to the right were also returning the Rebel
fire. The artillery seemed to be all that was holding the enemy back at that particular
moment. All, except Ayres' regulars, the very best of soldiers, who had been pushed out of
the wheatfield, were now firing and falling back, firing and falling back, back across the
valley and up the ridge to the right of the Reserves. The air was thick and heavy with the
smoke of battle. The enemy on the opposite ridge was barely visible, but one knew he was
there from the little white puffs of smoke and the whining bullets.
It had been a busy afternoon for the
hard working Sykes. Two of his divisions, both split up, had already been thrown into the
fight to bolster Sickles' sagging sections. Now, his
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last
division was to be committed to the battle. The Reserves had just reached the top of the
ridge, when a staff officer galloped up to Colonel Joseph W. Fisher, of the Third Brigade,
with urgent orders. The remnants of Vincent's and Weed's brigades, who had saved Little
Round Top earlier that afternoon, were in trouble over between the two hilltops. Fisher
was directed to hurry his brigade over there. So Sykes had his last division divided as
the other two had been .[4]
Just a few days before Colonel Martin
D. Hardin, the skipper of the Twelfth Reserves, had been chatting with his old friend,
Lieutenant Charles E. "Cog" Hazlett, who commanded Battery D, Fifth U.S.
Artillery. The artillery officer was wearing a small white hat in the late June heat. As
the Twelfth's colonel left his friend he jokingly quipped: "Cog, a fight is shaping
up; don't wear that white hat into battle." Now Hardin had ridden up nearer the
summit of Little Round Top for a better view across Plum Run. He met a stretcher party
coming down bearing the dead body of the commander of that valiant battery atop the little
hill. It was "Cog" Hazlett. He had been shot through the head by a gray
sharpshooter. "Cog" Hazlett had forgotten to remove his little white hat.
Colonel Samuel M. Jackson, of the
Eleventh Reserves, had been peering dimly across to the high ground opposite. So had
General Crawford. Both officers had found out that the figures emerging from across that
smoke-filled valley were no longer retreating Federals. The Southern soldiers were now
moving in for the kill. As Fisher led his men off toward the left, Crawford sent word to
Jackson to keep his regiment where it was. So the Eleventh remained with the First
Brigade, making five regiments to try to fight off the steadily advancing enemy who had
begun to clamber up the
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ridge. As
Fisher moved away, and McCandless tried to get the First Brigade formed to take the place
of the Third, there was a general mix-up of formations. None of the survivors who wrote
about the battle later could ever quite clearly explain just what happened in the early
twilight of that day. As the Rebels came laboring up the rocky ridge, they poured a
withering fire into the confused lines of the First Brigade. Somehow McCandless got his
lines straightened out. It was the Sixth Regiment on the right, north of the little road
which had brought them to the battle. The Eleventh was in the center, with the First on
its left. The second line was massed on the first, the Second on the right, and the
Bucktails on the left.[5]
The Confederates reached the Eleventh
first. This regiment was armed with smoothbores. At point blank range they sprayed the
Southerners with buckshot. Then all along the line it was bayonet against bayonet and gun
butt against gun butt for a few mad moments. The tired, battle-grimed soldiers of the
South had been fighting a long time. They were no match just then for the Pennsylvanians
who had just come into the battle. Some Reserves officer called for a charge. Colonel
Jackson said it was he. Crawford reported that it was his idea. Yelling and firing, the
Union line surged forward. Pushing the Rebels back down the slope, the Reserves
encountered a stiff fire from their left. Down on the marshy valley floor, with Colonel
Taylor up front, the Bucktails and the Second inclined toward this heavy fire. So it was
the full brigade front with the First Rifles on the extreme left which shoved the enemy
across Plum Run and back up the opposite slope amid the trees and rocks. Lieutenant
Colonel Niles, of the Bucktails, fell wounded near the stream, as he was observing the
telling effect of breech-
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loaders in
the hands of some of the mountain men he had brought to war two years before.
"I
won't die, I won't die." Those were the words of a Perry County Dutchman of the
Bucktail Company B, who lost an arm when a Union shell exploded near the south end of the
stone wall. Some Northern cannoneers were trying to hit the Rebels in Devil's Den. The
Reserves' advance had brought the Bucktails close to the Den, and the enemy was keeping up
a mean fire from the rocky rampart. Captain Neri Kinsey, Company C, and Lieutenant John
Kratzer, K Company, were in a huddle to decide what to do about the persistent shooting of
the unflagging Southern soldiers hidden among the rocks. The shell which took the arm of
the Company B soldier, broke up the Kinsey-Kratzer conference, wounding Kinsey, and killed
a Wildcat of Company I. One miscreant Union shell had caused casualties to four Bucktail
companies. That was how confused the fighting had become.
Kratzer had his men and a few
soldiers from several other companies near the end of the stone fence. The K Company
captain and Captain Samuel Mack, E Company, with three or four of the men, crawled out
through the brush in the
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growing
darkness toward Devil's Den to try to get a better idea of the enemy strength. They soon
found out that the rocks were full of Rebels. While the two captains were talking it
over behind a boulder, almost from out of nowhere appeared the old man himself, Colonel
Charles F. Taylor, with Fenton Ward, first lieutenant in Company I. As the officers from
the Wildcat counties filled in the regimental commander with the details of the strong
enemy force on their left, a Southern sharpshooter found his mark. Kratzer caught his
colonel as he fell. The men carried Taylor back. It was getting too dark to worry about
Devil's Den. The Bucktails had lost another good skipper, an adopted Wildcat from
downstate Chester County.[7]
[1] For details of the amazing
career of Sickles and his part at Gettysburg see W. A. Swanberg, Sickles the
Incredible, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1956.
[2] Chief reliance for the battle in general has been
placed upon Comte de Paris, The Battle of Gettysburg, Porter & Coates,
Philadelphia, 1886; Catton, Glory Road; Williams, Lincoln Finds a General, Vol.
2; Edward J. Stackpole, They Met at Gettysburg, Telegraph Press, Harrisburg, Pa.,
1956; Glenn Tucker, High Tide at Gettysburg.
[3] Pennsylvania
at Gettysburg, Vol. 1, pp. 110, 269, 294-295.
[4] Ibid., pp. 258, 269, 294-295, 278-279; O.
R., 27 (1), p. 653, Crawford's Report.
[5] Pennsylvania at Gettysburg,
Vol. 1, pp.
112, 278-279, 300-301; O. R., 27 (1), p. 653, Crawford's Report; p. 657,
McCandless' Report. As to Hazlett's little white hat see Martin D. Hardin, History o f
the 12th Regiment, Pa. Reserve Volunteer Corps, published by the author, New York,
1890, pp. 143 and 153.
[6] Pennsylvania at Gettysburg,
Vol. 1, pp.
74, 112-114, 227, 279, 283-284, 301, map opposite p. 100; O. R., 27 (1), p. 653,
Crawford's Report; p. 657, McCandless' Report; Annals of the War, Times Publishing
Co., Philadelphia, 1879, p. 212.