14

From the Plains to the Mountain

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On the morning of August 30 four miles of Confederate line faced the Union Army of John Pope. Jackson was pretty much in the same position he had occupied the previous day. To his right was Longstreet, south of the turnpike, facing east, and hidden. The Bucktails, still tired and hungry, started another tough day by getting in some men wounded in the previous day's battle. The brigade of John P. Hatch had been unable to bring in its wounded, and Meade wanted to know what was on the other side of the ridge on his front. The skirmishing Bucktails, if they were lucky, could do both jobs. Porter's Corps was finally up, and Reynolds' Division was to go in on his left, when Porter would start an attack down the pike. So McNeil's men started out on their dual mission. They found between twenty and thirty of Hatch's wounded, victims of Rebel bullets in King's unsuccessful attack of the evening before, who had lain all night on the field. These were rounded up and sent back, while the First Rifles moved cautiously on toward the ridge ahead of them. The morning was one of comparative calm after the noise and carnage of the previous day, but as McNeil reached the crest he encountered a lively musketry fire as well as artillery. The galling fire of hidden Rebels kept the little Bucktail outfit pinned down most of the forenoon. If the front was to be cleared, they must have help. Reynolds sent the Fifth


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Regiment to their left and the Second and Third in support. With these reinforcements the Union line commenced to move, but there was considerable resistance. Reynolds rode out to see for himself. Massed Confederates were getting ready for an attack. They very definitely were not in retreat as Pope had supposed.
          The Reserves were facing west on the south side of the Warrenton-Centreville Turnpike. East of them to their rear was Henry House Hill and just west of that famous hill, also south of the pike, was little Bald Hill. When Reynolds reported to McDowell the true situation of the Confederates south of the road, McDowell immediately pulled Reynolds' Division nearly a mile back to Bald Hill. Porter's attack down the pike would have to go it alone without support on the left. Back from the skirmish line came the Bucktails, glad to have a quick respite from the fire of a Rebel battery that had just started to enfilade them. Soon Porter's front started to give way. Pope ordered the Reserves off their little hilltop to the support of their former corps chief who was in serious trouble. Difficult terrain, retreating broken columns of Heintzelman's Corps falling back from the Union right, and the general hub-bub of battle doing badly combined to pre vent Reynolds from carrying out this order. The First and Second Brigades and a battery succeeded in getting off the hill, but the Third with the remaining batteries was caught where it was.. With other scattered troops the Third stayed and tried to fight off the waves of Longstreet now rampaging up on the left.
          With the Federals being pushed off Bald Hill and falling back on the right, there was just one place left to make a stand. This was Henry House Hill. If the swiftly advancing Confederates were not stopped there, the Union route of retirement across Bull Run would be cut off. An order went

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from Pope to Reynolds to make for Henry House Hill with his two remaining brigades and battery. General George Sykes' Division was also directed there for the all-important last stand. The oncoming Southern troops soon overcame the Union defense on Bald Hill. Longstreet's attack on Henry House Hill would come in from the south-southwest. The Reserves formed their positions on the hill accordingly, with the Bucktails on the right of the First Brigade.[1]
          Down the side of Bald Hill and across the Sudley Springs Road came the Confederate infantry. The battery of D. R. Ransom gave forth with all it had. So did the guns from other scattered units which had been brought to the hill. Back on Bald Hill were the captured guns of Kerns and the caissons of Cooper. They had done noble work, but were now very much out of the fight. The rifle fire of the Reserves was steady, but the Rebel pressure was heavy and relentless. The Bucktails were firing their Sharps so rapidly that the barrels became as hot as the battle. The First and Second Regiments, bearing the brunt of the enemy charge, began to buckle. Reynolds grabbed the colors of the Second an rode along the line shouting encouragement to the men. Somehow, possibly inspired by Reynolds' example, the two almost beaten brigades pushed the gray tide back down Henry House Hill and back across the Sudley Springs Road. As the night lowered and the battle died away, the two battered brigades stayed on the road until relieved by a brigade of regulars. The retreat route had been kept open and Pope's badly punished army was retiring in good order across the Stone Bridge and the fords of Bull Run. The troops of Sykes and Reynolds had done an important job and they a done it well.[2]
          As would be expected, the intrepid Thomas L. Kane would get into the act, even while his men were doing guard

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duty at corps headquarters. His opportunity came as General McDowell crossed Bull Run after darkness had set in. Noting that the bride was unguarded, the corps commander directed the eager Kane to collect some artillery and place it on the left bank. This was done and the "brave little battalion" of Bucktails remained at the bridge into the night and until all the troops had crossed. They then destroyed the bridge and followed the rest of the Army.[3]
          Second Bull Run was over. Like the first battle, it had not been a Union victory, but in at least one other way it was different. Instead of raw recruits running back over the Stone Bridge in panic on the night of August 30, 1862, battle-tired, but battle-tried veterans merely slogged back across the creek. They had been licked again. Pope would go, McDowell would go, and Porter would go. But the men would go on fighting. In that confident summer of the year before the First Rifles had been disappointed to have missed First Bull Run. If any pangs of regret had still remained in any stout Bucktail heart, they were gone by the end of that August day.
          As usual the officers would sit down when the opportunity afforded to compose their reports. Many officers were wont to specifically commend each unit under their command, especially when the fighting had been hard. The entire First Brigade of the Reserves had fought hard and well. Only one outfit was singled out by Brigadier General George G. Meade in his report a few days after the battle. Commending generaly officers and men under his command Meade added: "At the same time, the nature of the services required of them, viz, picket duty and skirmishing, have placed more prominently before me the First Rifles (Bucktails), whose coolness and steadiness under fire, when led by their commander, Col. Hugh W McNeil, attracted my at-


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tention, and deserves, in my judgment, particular notice."[4]
          The day after the battle was a dismal and rainy one. The Bucktails were marched to Centreville and then back to Cub Run, but at last rations were available so they could overlook a little unnecessary marching. They were getting used to it by now. The Bull Run Campaign, coming so soon after the Seven Days, had been hard on the Pennsylvania Reserves. There had been too little time to rest and refit between the two encounters. Bull Run had been tough, rugged work, but the Bucktails had been luckier in their casualties than during the fighting on the Peninsula: five killed, nineteen wounded, three missing. The Kane Battalion was now back. Everyone was happy over this. The regiment again was all together, albeit they were now ten rather thin-ranked companies.[5] 
          Thomas Leiper Kane was about to leave the regiment he had organized for higher rank and command. He would soon be a brigadier and before the next year passed he would be brevetted major general. Even as Kane was preparing to leave his Bucktails for new honors and glory, the local gazettes back in the Wildcat District were accusing him of playing politics for personal preferment and trading on the family fame. There were the old accusations of rashness. One paper indicted him for lack of judgment at Cedar Mountain, a battle in which Kane did not even fight. The regimental historians spoke well of Kane, but not with the enthusiasm and laudatory rhetoric used to describe some of the other officers. When Biddle had resigned the men's letters home reflected keen regret. When within a few days McNeil would be killed at Antietam their letters would express deep sorrow. When Kane left it was difficult to know just how the Bucktails felt. Feelings and opinions were bound to differ. He had been a controversial character since the Camp

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Curtin days. In spite of his faults and regardless of what his detractors might say against him, the Bucktails had been brought into existence by Thomas Leiper Kane. A regiment composed largely of men from the Wildcat District had been his idea. He had given it its colorful name and insignia. Its skirmish tactics were Kane's contribution to the art of warfare. While not all the Bucktails loved him, none could deny his contribution to the regiment.[6]
          It was early September and the division was in camp for a few days near Arlington. For the reunited Bucktail outfit there was just time enough for those who had fought in the Valley to learn the details of the Peninsula battles and for those who had fought under Stone to find out about the fight under Kane.[7] In those brief days between battles homesick Bucktails would remember that early September was one of the best times of the year in the Wildcat District. The leaves would not quite be turning to remind one of the rigors of an approaching winter. The days would still be warm like summer and the nights cool like fall. The cornfields would still be green with possibly a touch of faint yellow before the first frosts. Every little farm in the Wildcat District had its cornpatch. Most of the lumbermen had been raised on those farms, and as boys had helped to plant the corn in the late spring and to harvest it in the autumn. The Bucktails were about to start out again. This time it would be for Maryland and two little cornfields, one on a mountaintop an one by a small stream called Antietam.
          Robert E. Lee, fresh from his success against Pope, was on his way north. An invasion of Maryland at this time, if successful, might do much for the cause of the Confederacy. The Northern Army of Virginia had been defeated and was now merged with the Army of the Potomac. McClellan was back in command. By the time September was a week old

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Lee had crossed his Army of Northern Virginia over the Potomac near Leesburg and had headed into Maryland toward Frederick. McClellan proceeded to follow. The Union Army reached Frederick on the 12th shortly after Lee had left. It was here that one of the most famous freak incidents of the war occurred. Two blue-clad soldiers, lazing about their camp (previously used by the Rebels), found some cigars which a Southern officer although he had carefully tried to preserve them had lost. Wrapped around the smokes was a copy of Special Orders No. 191 of General R. E. Lee, dated September 9. By September 13 General George B. McClellan knew as much about his Southern opponent's plans as Lee himself did.
          It all had to do with that strategic spot called Harpers Ferry. Located at the junction of the Shenandoah River with the Potomac, this little village which John Brown had catapulted into fame a few years before, was hemmed in on all sides by mountains. Once the surrounding heights were taken Harpers Ferry was indefensible. When Lee had started into Maryland, the Union high command had not all seen eye to eye on the question of withdrawing the Federal garrison at Harpers Ferry. The Baltimore and Ohio was an important rail artery and at Harpers Ferry there was an important bridge. When the Confederates reached Frederick, Colonel Dixon S. Miles and his command of about twelve thousand men were still at the Ferry. A little farther west at Martinsburg, also on the B. & O., was another Union force. Lee had hopes of reaching Pennsylvania, and to invade the Keystone State with two Northern forces sitting on his line of communications up the Shenandoah Valley just would not do.
          So Lee had issued Special Orders No. 191. It had been lost and was now found. Both sides knew what Lee planned to

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do. He would move his forces west from Frederick over South Mountain (an extension of the Blue Ridge north of the Potomac). There, behind the protection of the mountains, Lee would divide his troops. One half would again be divided and pushed back to approach Harpers Ferry from three directions. When the Federal garrisons in its rear were cleaned out the Southern Army would be reunited somewhere around Hagerstown for a possible jump off into Penn
sylvania. Jackson would be in command of the largest of the three forces sent toward Harpers Ferry. Lee with Longstreet and D. H. Hill would remain between Boonesboro and Hagerstown, and, with cavalry thrown out in the passes of South Mountain, would keep a look-out for McClellan. "Little Mac" jubilantly studied the order and laid his plans to capitalize on his big break in the grim game he was playing with "Bobbie" Lee.
          South Mountain is much more than the name implies. It is a range of rugged mountains reaching from the Potomac into Pennsylvania. To reach the now widely scattered parts of the Confederate Army, McClellan had to get his forces from Frederick over the mountain range. Two passes in South Mountain were conveniently available. The National Road, leading west from Frederick, crossed the mountains through Turner's Gap, and then went on to Boonsboro and Hagerstown. This was the route for the main part of the Federal Army to follow. It would bring it against Lee's forces which had been left behind when the Harpers Ferry expeditions started. A few miles south of Turner's Gap was Crampton's Gap. Through Crampton's led a road which forked off the National Road east of the mountains and emerged on the western side close to Harpers Ferry. Convenient, too, for McClellan was General Franklin's Sixth Corps in a good position to follow the Crampton's Gap

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route. If it moved rapidly enough it could rescue Harpers Ferry and defeat at least one of the detached Southern forces. There would be enough time to take care of the other detachments after McClellan had crushed Lee's forces west of Turners Gap. These briefly were the plans. McClellan knew Lee's. Shortly Lee would begin to divine McClellan's.[8]
          The Pennsylvania Reserves got a new commander for the new campaign. Ever vigilant for the defense of his state, Governor Curtin became alarmed for Pennsylvania when Lee entered Maryland. The Reserves had been formed for just such an emergency, but they had long been in the Federal Army. Unable to obtain Federal troops, Curtin argued that the least Washington could do would be to give him a good general who might be able to do something with the
raw militia he had collected. No one had a very high opinion of this militia. How about Brigadier General John F. Reynolds? The Pennsylvania governor knew what Reynolds had done for and with the Reserves. McClellan did not want to give up Reynolds, but Andy Curtin knew his way around official Washington. The Pennsylvania Reserves lost their commander to the governor of Pennsylvania. Reynolds left for Harrisburg amid the enthusiastic cheers of the division and the Reserves were turned toward South Mountain under Meade. There was a reshuffling of regiments. The old Second Brigade became the new First. To this brigade the Bucktails were attached. They were now brigaded with the First, Second, Fifth, and Sixth Regiments, under General Seymour.[9]
          The reorganization of the Union Army after Second Bull Run gave McDowell's First Corps to Hooker. So the Reserves, with a new division commander who had been one of their brigade skippers for a long time, had a new corps chief also. General Meade had been with the division long enough

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to know that the Reserves were a good, solid fighting organization. At this time that was something Joseph Hooker did not know. Just a few weeks before on a swampy peninsula in
Virginia "Fighting Joe" had seen a part of the Pennsylvania troops panic and run. Hooker knew what he had seen, but there was much about the incident he did not know. As he started his corps for South Mountain, General Hooker had one division whose conduct in a previous fight had him thoroughly disgusted. In a few days he would change his mind about the fighting qualities of this division.


[1] O. R., 12 (2), p. 361, Special Orders No. -; pp. 340-343, McDowell's Report; pp. 394-395, Reynolds' Report; p. 398, Meade's Report; O. R., 51 (1), p. 132, McNeil's Report; for detailed descriptions of the entire battle see Henderson, Stonewall Jackson, pp. 466-480 and John Codman Ropes, The Army Under Pope, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1881.  

[2] See citations in note 1; T. dr R., p. 192, as to Reynolds on Henry House Hill.

[3] . Bates, Vol. 1, pp. 917-918, is to the effect that Kane guarded the bridge on his own initiative; but see O. R., 12 (2), p. 344, McDowell's Report, from which the quotation is. taken; p. 270, Sigel's Report; p. 303, Schurz's Report.

[4] O. R.,12 (2), p. 399, Meade's Report.

[5] . O. R., 12 (2), p. 256, Return of Casualties; T. dr R., p. 193.

[6] Dictionary of American Biography, Vol. 10, p. 259 as to Kane; Agitator, September 17, 1862, as to accusations against Kane; Meade's opinion regarding Kane at this point in the war is shown by the following quotation written by Meade to Mrs. Meade after Kane's capture at Harrisburg: "I expected Kane, who has been thirsty for fame, to get himself in some such scrape, and therefore am not greatly surprized at its occurrence." Life and Letters of Meade, Vol. 1, p. 273.

[7] T. dr R., p. 197.

[8] The story of the Antietam Campaign is well told in Catton, Mr. Lincoln's Army, pp. 217-326; for a critical military study see Williams, Lincoln Finds a General, Vol. 1, pp. 364-383, Vol. 2, pp. 445-479.

[9] Nichols, Toward Gettysburg, pp. 123-128; O. R., 19 (1), p. 171, Organization of the Army of the Potomac.